By Abdullahi A. Nor
” Bad luck follows the unprincipled President like his shadow and any thing he touches turns into ashes”
Since President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud assumed office, his administration has faced a storm of allegations ranging from widespread corruption to gross mismanagement, with critics accusing him of prioritizing personal and clan interests over national unity and progress. One of the most pervasive criticisms is his systematic appointment of individuals from his own clan to key government positions across ministries, the military, and other critical state institutions. These appointments are often perceived as being made without merit or consideration for competence, sparking accusations of nepotism and undermining public confidence in the government.
Many of these appointees lack the qualifications or experience necessary to execute their roles effectively, further deepening institutional dysfunction and eat away at governance structures. This practice has led to the exclusion of qualified individuals from other clans, exacerbating inter-clan tensions and diminishing Somalia’s already fragile social cohesion.
Compounding these issues is the administration’s controversial approach to public assets. President Hassan has been accused of selling large swathes of public land including army barracks to private business people, many of whom reportedly have close political or clan affiliations with him. These transactions, often shrouded in secrecy and devoid of proper regulatory oversight, have disproportionately benefited a small elite while displacing nearly half a million Somalis. Among the most affected are families of Somali National Army personnel, who have been rendered homeless and forced into internal displacement, creating yet another layer of humanitarian crisis which could most probably benefit Al Shabab. These actions have drawn widespread condemnation, with many viewings them as emblematic of a governance style driven by personal enrichment at the expense of the nation’s stability and welfare.
On June 10, 2022, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud agreed to lift the ban on khat (narcotic substance) imports from Kenya with the view to make private money out of the transaction. Surprisingly, within less than a month of assuming office, President Hassan reportedly monopolized the importation of khat from Kenya through companies connected to him. Allegations suggest that he personally benefits by earning $7 per kilogram of khat exported from Isiolo Airport in Kenya to Somalia.
The ban on khat imports was initially introduced by the previous Somali administration under President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo in 2020. This decision was driven by multiple factors, including the political tension between Somalia and Kenya governments, the COVID-19 pandemic, which severely disrupted trade and public health systems, growing concerns over the negative social and economic impacts associated with khat consumption. Khat, a narcotic substance, widely used in Somalia, has been linked to decreased productivity, household financial strain, and social challenges.
Despite facing significant pressure from khat exporters in Kenya and domestic traders reliant on its trade, President Farmaajo’s administration remained steadfast in upholding the ban. The policy was viewed as an effort to prioritize public health and social well-being over short-term economic gains. It also reflected the administration’s attempt to address long-standing societal issues aggravated by widespread khat use. This firm stance marked a notable departure from previous administrations that had permitted the trade, underscoring the Farmaajo administration’s commitment to reform despite the political and economic repercussions of the ban.
Somalia remains the largest consumer of Kenyan khat, with an estimated 16 daily flights transporting the product to the country before the ban. The suspension had a devastating impact on Kenya’s khat industry, which was already struggling due to the British government’s classification of khat as a narcotic substance and its subsequent import ban.
President Hassan privatized government revenue (inland Revenue) and Mogadishu Municipality finances, by assigning the task to companies within his personal network. These companies reportedly use their own receipt forms instead of the official receipt books registered with the Ministry of Finance. They deposit only minimal amounts as revenue, ostensibly to maintain appearances, while retaining the bulk of the funds. Meanwhile, the government continues to pay salaries to civil servants, who remain idle in their offices, and also covers the operational costs of these private entities. This arrangement has left the state treasury severely depleted.
President Hassan, without hesitation, politicized the development funds provided by the international community for the Federal Member States (FMS). In an attempt to force compliance, he withheld the development funds intended for Puntland and Jubaland. As of now, many of the projects remain stalled, and the lives of the intended beneficiaries have only worsened. In contrast, during the administration of President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo, these same two FMS were in conflict with his policies, which mirror the current deadlock. However, unlike President Hassan, President Farmaajo did not resort to using development funds as a political tool. Instead, development projects within the FMS continued smoothly without interruption.
President Hassan surprised the Somali polity when he airlifted the few remaining elite forces of the national army and deployed them to the Raskamboni District of Jubaland Federal Member State (FMS). This occurred during a period of heightened disputes regarding the re-election of President Ahmed Islam Madobe for a third term in Jubaland—a process conducted in accordance with the Jubaland FMS constitution and the Provisional Federal Constitution (PFC). This turmoil stemmed largely from President Madobe’s refusal to accept an unconstitutional term extension proposed by President Hassan.
No one in their right mind could have anticipated President Hassan using the National Army to destabilize the Jubaland FMS and put the Raskamboni District on a war footing solely to advance his unconstitutional political agenda. It is deeply saddening to see the President of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) risking the lives of so many young soldiers, especially following the catastrophic losses suffered in his botched campaign against Al-Shabaab in Hirshabelle and Galmudug. That poorly planned and executed campaign resulted in Al-Shabaab capturing enough weapons, military transport, and ammunition to sustain over a year of fighting. Farmaajo oo war kasoo saaray dagaalkii Raaskambooni | Caasimada Online
The federal army faced a swift defeat in a confrontation that lasted mere hours. To save themselves, some soldiers surrendered to Jubaland forces, while others crossed the border to surrender to Kenyan authorities. In the aftermath of the confrontation, President Hassan escalated political tensions further by banning airlines from operating direct flights between Nairobi and Kismayo, instead rerouting them through Mogadishu. This inhumane punishment effectively barred Members of Parliament (MPs) and politicians from Jubaland from traveling to their constituencies. Similarly, it prevented those stationed in Kismayo from traveling to the capital, Mogadishu. Jubbaland Cabinet accuses federal government of politicizing humanitarian aid and flights
Moreover, President Hassan, is relentlessly working to subvert the progress of Puntland and Jubaland FMS which appears unjustified and counterproductive. These states stand as the only two FMS whose presidents possess a constitutional mandate to govern. Conversely, the mandates of the other three FMS presidents have expired, yet they unlawfully remain in office, serving at the President’s discretion. This selective approach undermines constitutional fairness, promoting distrust and national fragmentation.
This blatant disregard for constitutional principles raises serious questions about the role and accountability of the international community, which plays a significant role in funding Somalia’s governance. Despite their financial and diplomatic involvement, the ongoing constitutional violations and systemic corruption seem to persist unchecked. It is deeply troubling to consider whether the international stakeholders have chosen to ignore these breaches, possibly to maintain a façade of stability while avoiding the complex task of addressing Somalia’s governance failures.
Their apparent indifference not only undermines the trust and credibility of their involvement but also enables a cycle of corruption and impunity. Instead of leveraging their influence to foster adherence to constitutional norms and good governance, they appear to focus primarily on
safeguarding their institutional interests, including securing salaries and operational costs. Such complacency risks allowing these issues to fester, potentially destabilizing the fragile progress made and pushing the nation further toward a point of no return. This calls for a re-evaluation of their engagement to ensure their efforts genuinely contribute to transparency, accountability, and
sustainable governance.
President Hassan’s tenure has also been marked by a series of unilateral and highly contentious political decisions. Chief among these is his abrupt decision to draft a new constitution to replace the Provisional Federal Constitution (PFC), a document that had been painstakingly developed through years of negotiation among Somalia’s diverse political and social stakeholders. This move, made without consulting federal member states, civil society groups, or opposition parties, has been widely criticized as a betrayal of Somalia’s fragile democratic processes. Critics argue that this unilateral action reflects an autocratic governance style that dismisses the principle of consensus, which is foundational to Somalia’s federal system.
Adding to the political turmoil is President Hassan’s insistence on transitioning Somalia to a “one person, one vote” electoral system. While this proposal aligns with democratic ideals in theory, it has been widely criticized as impractical given Somalia’s current security and political realities. Al-Shabaab continues to control vast swathes of southern Somalia, making large portions of the country inaccessible for electoral activities. Additionally, ongoing clan-based conflicts and the absence of institutional capacity to conduct free and fair elections have led many to question the feasibility of this proposal. Federal member states, particularly Puntland and Jubaland, have expressed strong opposition, with their leaders’ severing ties with the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) in protest. They argue that the President’s unilateral actions undermine the federal system and encroach on their constitutional autonomy.
The opposition across the political spectrum has uniformly condemned these developments, accusing President Hassan of consolidating power under the guise of reforms while effectively dismantling democratic norms. His critics argue that these actions represent a form of “plunder under one-man rule,” with the President using state resources and authority to entrench his control at the expense of national unity. Public sentiment has increasingly turned against his administration, with growing calls for accountability and transparency. Among the populace, there are even strong whispers questioning the President’s health conditions, as some interpret his erratic and divisive decisions as indicative of deeper personal or psychological issues.
The Latest and most controversial Livestock Export Monopoly
Under directives issued, three days ago, by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, the livestock export industry, one of Somalia’s most vital economic sectors, has been handed over to a single company owned by Abu Yasser. Somalia’s livestock monopoly controversy sparks push for accountability This arrangement grants Abu Yasser’s company, which boasts the largest livestock quarantine facility in Africa, exclusive rights to oversee all livestock exports from Somalia’s major ports, including Mogadishu, Kismayo, Bosaso, Garadag and Berbera. The Somali government has formalized this monopoly by notifying Gulf countries, particularly Saudi Arabia—the largest market for Somali livestock—that Abu Yasser’s company is the sole entity authorized to handle livestock exports.
This directive has sparked widespread criticism and controversy. Livestock trade is the backbone of Somalia’s economy, generating an estimated $3 billion annually and supporting the livelihoods of millions of pastoralists, traders, and other stakeholders. By centralizing control of the industry under a single private entity, critics argue that the government has not only sidelined smaller traders but also jeopardized competition and market fairness. Many fear that this monopoly will lead to price manipulation, reduced earnings for pastoralists, and restricted access to international markets for independent exporters.
Read more: From Reform to Controversy: President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s second term
Abdullahi A. Nor
Email: abdulahinor231@gmail.com
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