By Dr. Aweys Omar Mohamoud
You can read parts I and II here, as well as the full transcript of the interview in Somali. In part 3, I discuss one of the main themes that emerged from the interview which was the President’s perspective on relations with FMSs. Here is what he said on the subject followed by my comments.
1. In answer to question 8: On the causes of the political fallout between the FGS and some FMSs?
Farmaajo: … the country has been in trouble for a long time; it has fragmented, and people have become disunited. Into this, a federal system was introduced and a federal constitution that we all swore (to defend). But people do not have much information about it, and do not understand what federalism is all about. So that itself is a problem, i.e., people’s lack of understanding about federalism. Secondly, the problem (about relations) with FMSs is not something that has only affected this government, it is a pre-existing problem that has been there before my time. Part of the problem is perhaps in the way they were initially structured as foreign governments had a hand or influence in their creation. That led to FMSs to see themselves as entities that are independent of the central government or FGS. As they have relations with foreign (powers), and there’s in reality competition between us and those foreign (powers), and there could also be other issues between us. Some of the FMSs have become part of the dispute between us and these foreign governments who have used them against us. When no discord or disagreement could be found in the FGS, then foreign governments that we had disagreements with (began to) use the FMSs against us. It was unfortunate, but it happened several times. This is not something that happened to me (my government) alone.
This problem predates our government, so it wasn’t a problem for us alone. For instance, in the previous election (?), FMSs were called by foreign governments who gave them money to facilitate the winning or victory of (particular) individuals in plain view. It wasn’t hidden at all. When I came into office, the diplomatic crisis that erupted between the Gulf countries to which we remained neutral, some FMSs were called by other governments and set them against us. Others (FMSs) declared that they went (to meet these foreign governments) to obtain shaxaad (money that is not earned legally or was paid in exchange for something or influence) from them. When they returned home, they started causing us problems.
They created an independent organization through which they would oppose or undermine the smooth running of government functions and the federal system, and that was clear for all to see. And this is basically because the way they understand the federal system is wrong. The FGS has four exclusive powers: defence, economic and monetary policy, immigration policy and control of borders, and foreign affairs. The FMSs interfere in these exclusive areas for the FGS and directly take over these functions. It has also been suggested that some of them even print money. Some of them travel abroad to meet foreign governments and make treaties with them, or talk to them about (bilateral) issues concerning FMSs and those foreign governments although we have done some work to put a stop to this, and managed to end it. But still the (foreign) interference goes on and the FMSs are deeply penetrated (by the foreign governments) and are used against us.
2. As part of an answer to question 10: On relations with Jubbaland?
Farmaajo: … and we won’t accept that (others) use our FMSs against us. We know that some of them (FMSs) were created from outside (Somalia), and that IGAD was tasked with their creation … we won’t allow that they become an obstacle to the smooth running of the (functions) of central government, its progress, and (sustainability) for the future.
3. As part of an answer to question 11: On why does the FGS bans or imposes restrictions on the activities of FMSs that are not politically aligned with it?
Farmaajo: When we smoothed out difficulties at central government level, some of the FMSs were stirred to make obstacles for us so that our progress is prevented or made more difficult.
4. As part of an answer to question 11: On why does the FGS bans or imposes restrictions on the activities of FMSs that are not politically aligned with it?
Farmaajo: When it comes to FMSs, foreign interference or involvement in our affairs has been a major feature, and it is still ongoing.
5. As part of an answer to question 11: On why does the FGS bans or imposes restrictions on the activities of FMSs that are not politically aligned with it?
Farmaajo: … there’s nothing else here. What we refused to do was to operate in a way that is contrary to the Constitution. There are powers to be exercised exclusively by the FMSs, under the Constitution. There are also powers to be exercised exclusively by the center; and there is a concurrent list of powers that can be exercised by both the center and the FMSs. Border control is our prerogative, whether it is land borders, sear or air. There’s no sanction or restriction here (that we have applied to them). We have got to know what is coming into our country (going through our borders), and we must have immigration controls. If the (local) administration says ‘we don’t want immigration controls, and we won’t allow them into our territory; or we won’t accept the central government’s prerogatives’, then we’ll have to deal with them. We’ll have to find some mechanism to take the necessary measures to monitor and control the movements through our borders by hook or by crook.”
COMMENT:
President Farmaajo’s tone in his statements above is belligerent, combative and disrespectful of certain FMSs and their leaders (the ones not politically aligned with him). He accuses them of being created and sponsored by foreign powers, of breaking the law and violating the Constitution of FGS, of low political motives, and even of plots against his government. One good piece of advice before judging others is to take a good look at yourself!
President Farmaajo’s modus operandi over the past three plus years has been to demand submission to his will, and to compel conformity to his authoritarian whims. Almost from the moment he came into office, he started dismantling core elements of the provisional constitution that stand in the way of threats of new dictatorship and repressive rule: the independence of parliament; the principles of the federal system enshrined in the constitution; a free press; and the rule of law.
His regime is not subject to checks and balances, hence corruption is rife. It is difficult to measure corruption in this context, but we can define it as the theft of state revenues which constitutes an abuse of a most basic contract between a ruler and citizens. The regime brutalizes both its opponents and persons critical of or suspected of being critical of the policies of the government. There are allegations of arbitrary arrests, detentions without trial, physical attacks against political enemies, and the spread of generalized mayhem which are all tools used by the Farmaajo machine to repress and terrorize citizens.
Parliament was completely muzzled and the President relies on a narrow base of supporters and patronage networks to govern. His government hired almost a third of MPs, many of whom were unqualified, into ministerial positions for which they were unsuited and buys off another third in exchange for political support, thus undermining scrutiny and oversight. In the meantime, the rights and interests of opposition MPs, and especially those who tried to stick their heads above the parapet, have been trampled upon.
The regime routinely uses force of arms to prevent political competition and dissent, and to compel obedience. In Mogadishu, there was an attempted political assassination of a known opposition figure and the slaying of some of his body guards in the process. Farmaajo may additionally have been flexing his muscles – showing who was boss, when he imposed travel bans on public figures, including former Presidents. His constant meddling and bullying left some FMS leaders, especially those adjacent to Mogadishu, feeling impotent and powerless.
In a more serious meddling in the electoral process of South West regional government, President Farmaajo maneuvered his own man into position as president of the region in Dec. 2018. Days earlier, he arrested the main opponent of his candidate (a former al-Shabaab commander who defected to the government), sparking protests in which at least fifteen people died. It has been suggested that Ethiopian forces who were stationed in Baidoa, the regional capital, put down the protests and arrested the candidate at the behest of Mr. Farmaajo. At this, the then UN Special Representative Mr. Nicholas Haysom asked the government some pertinent questions about its responsibilities in the matter. In answer, he was expelled from the country.
Dr. Aweys Omar Mohamoud
Email: [email protected]
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Dr. Aweys Omar Mohamoud (@AweysOMohamoud) has a PhD from the Institute of Education, University College London (UCL). He has recently worked as an advisor to the Ministry of Education, Culture & Higher Education (MoECHE), Federal Government of Somalia in Mogadishu
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