By Mohamed Rage Hassan

Summary 

This article delves into the intricate dynamics of political patronage and rent-seeking behaviour prevalent within the governmental structures of Somaliland, particularly under the tenure of the current administration (Muse Biihi). Drawing parallels with Marx’s conceptualization of the capitalist state and historical examples from the United States, it highlights how the Somaliland government predominantly serves the interests of a small elite class, perpetuating socio-economic disparities and undermining the principles of meritocracy. The pervasive influence of clan-based affiliations and personal networks further exacerbates corruption and inequity, hindering the country’s progress towards sustainable development. The article underscores the detrimental impact of rent-seeking behaviour on market efficiency, economic performance, and societal well-being, elucidating how the government’s mismanagement and resource misallocation exacerbate poverty and perpetuate social suffering. Despite receiving substantial international aid, the government’s failure to implement tangible development projects underscores its predatory nature, leaving the populace disillusioned and economically vulnerable. Through a critical examination of the political landscape, the article calls for introspection and reform to address systemic corruption and ensure accountable governance that prioritizes the welfare of all citizens.

I.            Introduction

The man who sang the flag during Somaliland’s independence from colonial rule famously dubbed the nascent state “the camel,” or Mandeeq. (Bahar, 2009; Ahad, 2015) This encapsulates the fundamental philosophy underlying Somali statehood, wherein the state is perceived by all as a means of survival for those in power, regardless of the methods by which they attain it. The political rivalry among Somali’s small elite class, evident across the nation, is rooted in self-interest. This rivalry represents a sophisticated form of resource competition, unlike the more conventional struggles over scarce resources such as water, pasture, and land within Somali pastoral society.

Viewing the state as a vast institutional apparatus designed to benefit those in authority has become an accepted principle, evolving into a political norm that even the Somali populace no longer perceive as wrongful. In such circumstances, individuals of similar social standing to those in power may feel emboldened to challenge and replace them. This dynamic often leads to friction among elites and fierce power struggles, occasionally escalating into violent confrontations when those in power seek to manipulate the rules of the game or refuse to legitimize their tenure within the existing constitutional framework. These conditions are prevalent in Somalia’s political landscape, particularly evident when the incumbent president decides to amend the constitution. For approximately two years, Somaliland has been grappling with this situation, yet the current government shows no readiness to hold elections and instead seeks excuses to prolong its stay for additional years.

In Marx’s conceptualization, the capitalist state is primarily viewed as an institutional apparatus designed to serve the interests of the ruling class and safeguard their economic advantages (Engels & Marx, 2015). This raises questions about the situation in Somaliland, where the governmental structure appears to primarily serve the interests of the ruling elites, often at the expense of the masses who remain trapped in poverty and suffering. I questioned whether the Somaliland government has truly served its citizens. Apart from the services provided by the Mayor of Hargeisa, such as waste collection, road construction, and maintenance of essential infrastructure, I struggled to identify any notable contributions to the general populace. I realized that the government of Somaliland has indeed provided one service, albeit one in which the people themselves are collaborating, and that is the maintenance of peace and tranquility (Guleed, 2022). However, I questioned whether this is sufficient for the people who are enduring the mismanagement of a small group of elites.

Yet there is another significant issue that Somalis in the region are not facing, but Somaliland is uniquely confronting: the persistence of an unchanged ruling class. In the Somali region of Ethiopia, after the TPLF implemented ethnic federalism, the ruling elites in the region have undergone significant changes over time. This implies that the political figures who were in power in the early 21st century are no longer active in the region’s politics. Similarly, if we consider Mogadishu, many of those who held positions of power during Abdullahi Yusuf’s Transitional Federal Government are not currently prominent figures in politics. Nevertheless, the retired bureaucrats from the Barre regime, members of the SNM, and individuals who held positions in the early government institutions post-colonialism continue to play active roles in Somaliland politics. Somaliland serves as a prime example of what is commonly referred to as political ossification, characterized by the perpetuation of the same leadership without significant renewal or change.

In this article, we will thoroughly examine the extent to which successive governments, particularly the current one, have relied on patronage politics and how this political patronage has permeated all aspects of society, including income distribution, economic performance, and the perception of the state, especially from the viewpoint of marginalized segments of society. The article will explore the widespread rent-seeking behaviour observed by Somaliland citizens since the Kulmiye government came to power in 2010. It will analyze the repercussions on society, particularly for those outside of governmental systems, and how the broader population currently experiences feelings of alienation and hopelessness amidst economic crises, a loss of national pride following Somaliland’s defeat in Lasano, and the general chaos that this government has brought upon society.

II.            The Prevalence of Patronage Politics

In the modern era, following the decline of monarchies and absolute rule, the adoption of participatory or representative democratic government structures has become imperative. These structures are essential for establishing robust institutions responsible for executing government policies on behalf of the executive and social representatives, guided by the political executive (Goodsell, 2004). Consequently, there arises a need to cultivate a cadre of technocrats or bureaucrats to serve as the driving force behind governmental activities aimed at promoting the public interest. Recognizing the significance of these bureaucrats in achieving governmental objectives and delivering public services, they are typically expected to remain non-political.

In the United States, there was a period when the elected president wielded excessive power to appoint a large portion of government bureaucrats through executive decree. During this time, the spoils system dominated the politico-administrative landscape, allowing for appointments based on political loyalty rather than merit (Hoogenboom, 1961). However, this system was eventually rectified after its inefficiencies in governmental institutions became apparent, sparking a public outcry over the inappropriate filling of government positions through familial, relational, and nepotistic means. President James A. Garfield’s assassination underscored the consequences of prioritizing loyalty over meritocracy, as he faced criticism for appointing individuals solely based on their loyalty to him (Riper, 1958). Subsequently, the US Congress imposed limitations on the number of government officers the president could nominate. It was also recognized that positions below those directly nominated by the president should be filled by non-political permanent bureaucrats.

In Somaliland, there have been widespread allegations of political executives favouring their own families and associates by providing them with access to commonly owned resources and opportunities. Recently, this issue has reached alarming levels, extending beyond government positions to include externally sponsored projects, where the recruitment process is also manipulated by the ruling elites.

Currently, there are several World Bank projects underway in Somaliland, yet it is disheartening to note that none of the staff for these projects were recruited through a fair and independent process. Despite being aware of how the staffing process has been mishandled by the ruling elites, the World Bank has taken minimal action, merely calling for investigations. However, the ruling elites persist in their manipulative practices without facing any significant consequences. As highlighted by the Minister of Finance and Development during a workshop meeting in Somaliland, all stakeholders and relevant ministries involved in World Bank projects participated.

Dr Sa’ad said “ This year, 2023, I have counted about fourteen projects based on the correspondence we have had with the World Bank, which include both those that have not yet started and those that have started, all of which are funded by the World Bank” (Shire, 2023).

Read more: Political Patronage, Rent-Seeking, and the Plight of the Masses: The Case of Somaliland

Mohamed Rage Hassan
Email:moraage30@gmail.com 

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Mohamed is an independent researcher based in Hargeisa, Somaliland. He has written numerous research papers and is currently working on research projects on State-building and peace-making in Somaliland/Somalia