By Faisal A. Roble
Introduction
About 47 years ago, the Somali National Army and the Western Somali Liberation Front (WSLF) jointly fought against Ethiopia’s Derg forces over the Ogaden region. As wars leave behind national conflicting myths and narratives they in turn strengthen identity politics and nationalism; so did the 1977-78 Ogaden war. Two issues about the war narrative that still divide Somalis and those who believe in a unitary state system for Ethiopia are the conflicting narratives surrounding the 1977-78 war and the fate of Karamardha – a revered site of the era that remains divisive in the political discourse of this region.
These two phenomena carry different meanings for Somalis and for Addis Ababa. The details of the war, including the 78 clan elders, religious leaders, and business people the Derg butchered at Karamardha and the symbolism it stands for Somalis are at the center of the conflicting narratives—a Somali narrative versus a non-Somali one imposed from the center.
In this essay, I will weave together the history of the origins of the controversy over Karamardha with the 1977-78 Ogaden War. I will highlight what actually happened in that war, the ensuing superpower interventions, and who lost or won the war. By doing so, I will debunk the recent claims made by Field Marshal Birhanu Jula that Somalia and the WSLF were defeated in 37 hours. I will also argue that Somalis would like to retain control over their historical narratives.
Whose Narrative shall Karamardha tell?
Karamardha, a slice of the Gureys mountain range, stands at 9000 feet above sea level. Throwing its imposing weight and humping over the flat terrain of Camadhle and Haroorays in the east and the prairie wheat farms of Tuliguuleed to the north, Kara-mardha is a landmark for the Somali region. The name Karamardha comes from “kara,” or narrow path, and Mardha is a native plant habitat unique to this mountain. Since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to office in 2018, this modest mountain became famous not for its physical features or for what it represents to Somalia but for a centrist narrative descending from Addis Ababa. For Somalis, Karamardha speaks of their own martyrdom—the 78 sage Somalis the Derg slaughtered in that fortress. However, Addis Ababa wants an erasure narrative; it wants to erect monuments for fallen soldiers with or without giving due consideration to the local sentiment. And this disregard, plus a renewed militarization of the region, whose intent is to wipe out collective
Somali memory, prompted the ONLF chairman, Abdirahman Mahdi, to say this: ‘We are Somalis today, we were Somalis yesterday, and we will remain Somalis tomorrow.” He continued to say, “We are not Ethiopians.” According to the chairman and many Somalis, the Prosperity Party has reduced Somalis to second-class citizenship. The chairman never sways from referring to Ethiopia as an occupying colonial force per the Front’s political program.
This self-expression of the chairman was prompted by a serious accusation, or in Amharic parlance, wanjel,” that Field Marshal Birhanu Jula leveled against the ONLF. Jula, in an audio tape, said (september, 2024) that the ONLF, and other groups fighting the regime, are “proxy” agents for Egypt.” Add to this the vitriolic words of Ethiopia’s Foreign Minister, Taye Astke-Selaasie, who told reporters in Addis Ababa that his country still suffers from the “trauma” begotten from the 1977 war.” Such vitriolic language infuriated the ONLF, which signed with the Ethiopian government a peace treaty in 2018; that treaty is almost dead due to Ethiopia not sticking to the terms of agreement.
Somalis see Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s intent to appropriate the Karamardha site for fallen Derg soldiers, who had hitherto massacred Somalis, as a political affront and part of a larger manipulation to reimpose a unitary form of rule. Controversy over Karamardha, therefore, is a larger fight over identity, self-determination, and what those rights mean to Somalis, who have waged war against the center since the 1950s.
The Ogaden War and Supper-power Intervention
The contentious narratives over the 1977-78 war are another source for the simmering conflict in the Ogaden region. On a visit Field Marshal Birhanu Jula paid to Jigjiga in September 2024, he claimed that his country defeated Somalia in 1977 within 37 hours. He went on to say that “he has fought in many heroic battles in the eastern region where it has been forgotten and the next generation will continue it.” Mr. Jula is known for his loose tongue and extraordinarily outlandish claims.
The genesis of the 1977-78 war is found in the body politic of Ethiopia, a country some called a prison of Nations. Changing that ancient body politic led to the 1974 Derg revolution. It was the Derg’s denial or failure, after the revolution, to address the rights of Somalis to self-determination that has triggered armed struggle by the WSLF and ultimately to the Ogaden War of 1977. Following a country-wide unrest, the Derg usurped power and deposed Emperor Haile Selassie in September, 2024. This calendar marks only 20 years earlier from the date in November 1954 when the swat of the Somali regions of the Ogaden and the Haud and Reserved Area were annexed by Emperor Haile Selassie. The Eisenhower administration of the 1940s pushed for annexing the Ogaden to Ethiopia due to a heavy oil interest , thus effective lobying, by the US-based Sinclair Oil giant which at the time was active in controlling as many oil sites in the Ogaden and Eritrea. The history of the region, since annexation, has been one administered from garrison posts with no meaningful connection with Somalis. This system was challenged by Somalis as early as the 1940s.
However, the most feasible challenge to the annexation and colonization came Initially from the left’s idea and the wars for liberation carried out by Somalis and Eritreans in the early 1960s, the Derg was expected to critically address the Somalia issue for self-determination. The Derg, although tackled with the “land to the tillers”, thereby giving back about 10 million hectares of arable land back to the peasants, it failed to address the self-determination issue. Soon, the Western Somali Liberation Front (WSLF) was founded in 1975, which in 1984 birthed the ONLF. Eritrea ultimately became a free country in 1994, whereas Tigray Liberation Front took power in Addis Ababa in 1991. In the east, Somalis came close to being free in 1978 and possibly would have remained so had it not been the then Soviet bloc intervention.
The Ogaden war started in April 1977 and ended around March or April, 1978. Somalis reached as far as Dhirdhabe within a short period of time and circled the city’s airport in November 1978. By then, Somalia had established a complete administration, with salaries being handled by the new administration connected to Mogadishu. However, in April 1978, a Soviet bloc-sponsored intervention was organized in Moscow and ultimately caused Somalis to retreat back to their borders. The WSLF also reverted back to a guerilla war until Mogadishu and Addis Ababa signed a fragile peace deal, which partly required Somalia to stop supporting the WSLF.
Read more: The 1977 Ogaden War: Conflicting Narratives over Karamardha
Faisal A. Roble
Email: [email protected]
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Faisal Roble, the former editor of WardheerNews portal is Principal City Planner and CEO for Racial Justice & Equity for the Planning Department, Los Angeles City.
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