By Abdullahi Ahmed Nor

Introduction

Somalia, a nation scarred by decades of a protracted conflict, instability, and political fragmentation, has struggled to rebuild its institutions and establish effective governance since the collapse of its central government in 1991. The Federal Parliament, established in 2012 as a beacon of hope for a democratic future, has become a focal point for both optimism and disillusionment. While intended to represent the will of the Somali people and serve as a cornerstone of democratic governance, the Federal Parliament has been plagued by pervasive corruption, eroding its credibility and hindering its effectiveness.

The affairs and operations of Somalia’s Federal Parliament is dominated by the Executive Branch of the Government, rending the parliament a mere rubber stamp of the wishes of the president. Many MPs interviewed for this article revealed facing pressure or threats from the executive to pass legislation and agreements without scrutiny. While some MPs comply due to personal financial gain or political interest, others succumb to fear of political repercussions or even assassinations.

Unlike the leadership of the previous parliament—featuring figures like the late Professor Jawari, the 11th Parliament lacks similar levels of education and experience. This disparity risks wearing down the institution’s credibility, as stakeholders, both within Somalia and abroad, may question the depth of knowledge and expertise guiding Somalia’s political development.

The tarnished reputation of the current Parliament not only undermines Somalia’s progress toward recovery and state-building but also casts a shadow over the efforts of past leaders, such as former President and current parliamentarian Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, which his administration set the foundations for the Federal Government. Despite the harsh realities he faced—limited funding and a city mostly-controlled by Al-Shabaab—President Sheikh Sharif’s administration freed Mogadishu from insurgent control and achieved significant milestone of drafting the Provisional Federal Constitution (PFC), which was embraced nationwide, and has set the foundation for Somalia’s sovereignty and democratic governance structure, paving the way for the progress Somalia has made since then.

This is part II of a series of articles examining the leadership of Somalia’s Federal Parliament, focusing on the pervasive corruption within the institution, its effects on governance, and its wider implications for Somalia’s stability and future. As the Somali proverb goes, “Rain doesn’t fall on one roof,” suggesting that issues within the Lower House extend beyond it to the Upper House as well. However, this series focuses primarily on the Lower House, given its larger influence on legislative outcomes, with 275 members compared to the Upper House’s 54, only 35 of whom are typically in-country at any given time. Consequently, the Lower House bears significant weight in shaping Somalia’s legislative landscape.

The Role of Parliament in a Democracy:
In a democratic system, the legislature serves several crucial functions:

• Legislation: Drafting, debating, and passing laws.
• Oversight: Monitoring and holding the executive accountable for its actions.
• Representation: Reflecting the will and interests of the electorate.
• Budget Approval: Reviewing and approving government budgets to ensure appropriate use of public funds.

When these functions are undermined as the current sitting parliament demonstrated, the entire democratic system is weakened, leading to unchecked executive power, poor governance, and loss of public trust.

The case of Speaker Adan Mohamed (Madobe): Unparalleled Corruption & Scandal

The Speaker of Somalia’s Federal Parliament in the Lower House (House of the People) Adan Mohamed Nuur (Adan Madobe), has been absent from his legislative duties while being embroiled in allegations of corruption and abuse of power. Hailing from the city of Hudur in the South West State, Speaker Adan Madobe is an illiterate with inadequate experience for his role as a speaker of Somalia’s Federal Parliament. His limited understanding of legislative complexities, subcommittee operations, law drafting procedures, and informed debate has severely hindered his ability to lead the parliament in a meaningful way. This has, in turn, paralyzed the Parliament’s capacity to fulfill its core legislative and oversight functions. Such shortcomings have undermined the institution’s integrity and effectiveness, further deepening Somalia’s already significant governance challenges.

Members of the Federal Parliament, who have provided insights into Speaker Adan Madobe’s leadership, assert that his first point of contact—both on and off the job—is President Hassan. The Speaker operates under the president’s close supervision, with President Hassan maintaining a tight grip on him and, by extension, the overall leadership of the Parliament. This dynamic curb the independence of the legislative branch, influenced and controlled by the Executive.

Before assuming his current position as Speaker, Adan Madobe was a relatively obscure Member of Parliament, earning a modest income that barely supported his large family. During the selection process for the 11th Federal Parliament, a prominent politician questioned South West State President Abdiaziz Laftagareen about including Adan Madobe in the list of selected MPs, citing his lack of education, reputation for corruption, and history as a warlord with alleged ties to serious crimes. In response, President Laftagareen reportedly justified his decision by saying, “I was afraid he might end up begging on the streets at this advanced age.” This exchange highlights the controversial nature of Adan Madobe’s appointment and the broader issues of political patronage and unqualified leadership within Somalia’s parliamentary system.

Surprisingly, the same Speaker Adan Madobe, who was struggling to make ends meet, has reportedly purchased recently among other properties, one of the biggest hotels in Baidabo called R & B Palace within a year and halve in the leadership of the Lower House of the Federal Parliament raising questions about the sources of his wealth and potential conflicts of interest. Such investments are often scrutinized for signs of illicit financial activities and misappropriation of public funds.

The Speaker of the Lower House has also been accused of using his prior status as the Rahanweyn Resistance Army (RRA) warlord to unlawfully seized a property in Baidabo from its rightful owner, Somali-American environmental activist Fatima Jibrell. Despite her two-decade-long fight for justice, no resolution has been reached, reflecting the absence of an independent judiciary. Such action not only reflects abuse of power but also eats away whatever is left of the public trust in the integrity of parliamentary leadership.

While Speaker Adan Madobe amasses illicit wealth at the public’s expense, the Federal Parliament faces significant financial challenges, struggling to cover even its most basic operational costs. A glaring example of this mismanagement is the Parliament’s official website, which remains offline due to unpaid fees. This situation not only highlights the institution’s inability to maintain transparency and accessibility but also underscores the broader governance failures and misplaced priorities that have plagued Somalia’s legislative body under Madobe’s leadership.

There is allegation that current President Hassan funnels funds from illicit land sales and government contracts into private channels, evading the national treasury altogether. This unchecked revenue, generated outside formal state oversight, is reportedly being used to exert influence over the Federal Parliament, including buying the loyalty of parliamentary leadership and MPs. By directing these funds toward securing support within Parliament, the president bypasses democratic accountability mechanisms, ensuring no resistance to his actions.

It is commonly whispered in Mogadishu that Speaker Adan Madobe gets a stipend of $40,000 monthly from President Hassan on top of the lump sum between $ 60,000-100,000 (sixty and hundred thousand) paid when he is required by the president to rubber stamp agreements and pieces of legislations of interest – the huge bribe is funded from the proceeds of the illicit public land sales and other family run government contracts that by passed the treasury. The Speaker shamelessly flouts the Rules of Procedures of the House and swiftly rubber stamps the dictates of President Hassan even if there is no Quorum. This has earned him the nickname “Mr. Approved” (Ansax Waaye), a phrase he frequently utters after pushing through motions tabled by the President.

A case in point, under the leadership of Speaker Adan Madoobe, the House of the People made history by approving the Turkish Somalia Defense agreement without even the MPs seeing the text of the agreement let alone scrutinizing it. Somalia’s Parliament is actually the first Parliament in the world that approved a defense agreement and constitutional amendments they haven’t seen.

Similarly, as per his culture, on his recent trip to Germany, the president unilaterally accepted with no agenda a request from Germany’s Chancellor to repatriate Somali refugees currently residing in Germany, bypassing any consultation with the Parliament. This move directly contravenes established UN protocols and conventions on the treatment and protection of refugees, which mandate that repatriations must be voluntary and conducted with due consideration for the safety and well-being of those affected. By ignoring both the legal obligations and the government procedures, the voices of Somali citizens and lawmakers, the president not only undermines the country’s commitment to international law but also disregards the role of Parliament as a body meant to represent and safeguard the interests of the Somali people.

With Parliament under his tutelage and influence, President Hassan is able to implement his agenda with little scrutiny or pushback. This arrangement undermines the integrity of Somalia’s legislative branch, as MPs—who should represent the interests of the public—are incentivized to act in alignment with the president’s directives, rather than holding him accountable. This concentration of power erodes the system of checks and balances and contributes to a culture of corruption, weakening public trust in government institutions and jeopardizing Somalia’s democratic processes.

Vetting the Speakership: A Missed Opportunity

A robust vetting process for parliamentary leaders, and separation of power between the executive and legislative branches is crucial to fostering competent, ethical, and transparent governance—a necessity that Somalia’s Parliament has overlooked. International practices show that vetting candidates for key roles, like the Speaker of the House, can prevent the very inefficiencies and conflicts of interest now affecting Somalia’s legislative body. Proper vetting could have safeguarded against the challenges undermining parliamentary effectiveness today.

The evident corruption among parliamentary leaders (Parliament 11) erodes public trust, with Somali citizens increasingly skeptical of their leaders’ ability to represent their interests or uphold the law. It’s disheartening that Somalia’s parliamentary leaders, particularly within the House of the People, reportedly make more money than the country’s most successful business figures—a disparity suggesting that financial gain may take precedence over public service. Such practices threaten the institution’s integrity, fostering a culture of impunity that normalizes corruption, misuse of power, and weakens Somalia’s legal framework, making reform all the more critical to ensure accountability and restore confidence in Somali governance.

Replacement of Staff and Employment of Phony Advisors

Recent reports, including one from Hon. Abdilahi Abiib, have highlighted serious allegations against Somalia’s parliamentary leadership, accusing them of replacing over 120 staff and security members with their own relatives. Furthermore, government sources, including the immigration office, have revealed that the Speaker’s office is allegedly involved in facilitating illegal immigration to Europe. This scheme reportedly involves hiring numerous ghost advisors, whose only purpose is to obtain diplomatic passports, allowing them to migrate illegally in exchange for hefty kickbacks.

Such corrupt practices often used by Speaker Adan Madobe, not only undermine the professional integrity of Parliament but also disrupt its operational efficiency. The replacement of experienced staff with unqualified relatives diminishes the quality of parliamentary services, leading to inefficiencies. The presence of ghost advisors further tarnishes the institution’s already struggling reputation.

This widespread corruption within Somalia’s Federal Parliament significantly hampers governance, stability, and national development. It wears down the legitimacy of the legislative body, undermines public trust, and fuels political instability. To address these challenges, a comprehensive strategy is required that focuses on legal reforms, transparency, and political accountability.

The unchecked corruption within Somalia’s Federal Parliament has severe implications for governance and stability. By normalizing a culture of impunity and eroding public trust, these issues render Parliament incapable of serving as a credible check on executive authority, a key function of any democratic institution. If left unaddressed, this systemic corruption will further destabilize Somalia, deterring both national development and international investment.

Solutions and Reforms

To address these challenges, a range of reforms must be implemented:

1. Effective parliamentary leadership is crucial for the functioning of democratic institutions. When leaders are corrupt and unqualified, they weaken the Parliament’s ability to serve as a check on the executive branch, facilitate good governance, and ensure accountability.
2. Conducting independent audits of parliamentary leaders’ assets and financial transactions can help uncover and address instances of corruption. These audits should be transparent and their findings made public.
3. The anti-corruption commission disbanded by President Hassan in his first three months into his second term should be reestablished or a new commission appointed in a fair and transparent method should be put in place at the earliest possible time. The coming anti-corruption Commission should be empowered to investigate and prosecute corruption cases involving parliamentary leaders is essential. This includes providing these bodies with adequate resources and political support.
4. Implementing stricter educational qualification requirements for parliamentary leadership candidates can help ensure that leaders possess the necessary knowledge and skills. Offering training and capacity-building programs for current MPs can improve their legislative capabilities and understanding of governance issues although Parliament (11) has only three sessions left in their Parliament’s life but late is better than never.
5. Mandating regular asset disclosure by parliamentary leaders can enhance transparency and allow for public scrutiny of their financial dealings. Encouraging public engagement and feedback on parliamentary activities can increase accountability. This includes facilitating access to parliamentary proceedings and fostering a culture of transparency.

Despite the daunting issues, tackling corruption at its root could pave the way for a more stable and prosperous Somalia. By restoring public trust and promoting good governance, the country can lay a solid foundation for sustainable development and peace. Rebuilding credibility in the parliamentary system will also help Somalia regain the confidence of both its citizens and the international community.

Conclusion

Somalia’s Lower House of Parliament faces a governance crisis marked by entrenched corruption, nepotism, and a lack of proper qualifications and exceptionally poor ethical standards among its leadership. Basic operational challenges—such as the inability to pay for the Parliament’s official website server, leaving it offline for five months—highlight the extent of these dysfunctions. This environment of unchecked corruption and self-serving politics has transformed Parliament from a representative body into a tool for personal enrichment, eroding public confidence and undermining its foundational democratic role.

The cycle of instability and mistrust is deepened as leaders prioritize wealth accumulation and abuse of their powers, shifting the public’s perception of Parliament from a governing body to a group solely focused on individual gain. This erodes the social contract between Somalia’s government and its people, reducing Parliament’s legitimacy and compromising the state’s ability to maintain political stability.

To address these challenges, Somalia’s Parliament must commit to sweeping reforms targeting the roots of corruption and inefficiency. Key steps include establishing a rigorous vetting process for parliamentary leadership candidates to ensure they are qualified and committed to ethical governance, requiring regular asset disclosures to increase transparency, and empowering an anti-corruption commission with independence to investigate and prosecute abuses of power.

Additionally, increasing the educational standards and legislative training for MPs would build a more competent body capable of effective law-making and oversight. Capacity-building initiatives would enhance MPs’ abilities to draft, debate, and scrutinize policies, enabling them to better fulfill their roles in representing and protecting the interests of the Somali people.

These reforms would not only restore public trust but would strengthen the institution’s role as a pillar of democracy, vital for Somalia’s stability and development. Over time, a well-functioning and accountable Parliament could foster a political environment that supports peace, justice, and sustainable growth, positioning it as a genuine representative of the Somali people and a catalyst for progress.Top of Form

Abdullahi Ahmed Nor
Email: abdulahinor231@gmail.com

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