By Isaac Muhammad

On June 26, 1960, the northern protectorate of Somaliland gained independence from the British Colony and five days later on July 1, 1960, the South Somalia (Italian Parts of Somalia) became independent, the two former colonies united to form the United Republic of Somalia under President Aden Abdulle Osman, Prime Minister Abdirashid Ali Shermarke, and a 123-member National Assembly representing both territories. This was a historic moment for the “New Somalia.” After years of democratic rule, the military government of late Siyad Barre came to power and eventually got ousted by the clan oppositions. Subsequent Clan fighting and anarchy follows for 25 years.

As part of many efforts towards ending clan based violent conflicts, restoring security and rebuilding the state, many conferences and political consultations were held for Somalia in all around the globe. Although regional and international actors have tried repeatedly to find ways to reconstitute the Somali state by sponsoring extensive peace processes aimed at establishing a functioning government in Somalia, most of such externally supported conference failed or produced little result. But one that had a lasting consequence was so called “The Sodere Conference.” Not many Somalis recall this conference or understand the significance of its outcome.

Sponsored by Ethiopia and IGAD member states during 1996-97, and convened by neighboring Ethiopia to revive a decentralized, federal Somali state, the Sodere Conference was the third national reconciliation meeting for Somali Warlords. In order to initiate a solution to the endless Somali conflict and the divisive politics that disintegrated Somalia into anarchic clan bailiwicks, a power-sharing model was initiated in 1997. This conference was, in my account, the birth intellect of the so called 4.5—the Sodere talks introduced the principle of fixed proportional representation by clan, the ‘4.5 formula’, subsequently used in the country to date.

The first government based on 4.5 (4 major clans and 0.5 for alliance of minorities) clan power-sharing model was formed in 2000 with a full mandate to reconcile rival clans and promote democratic governance.

All three preceding governments after 2000 tailed parliamentary representations determined by the so-called 4.5 formula, a quota system under which the four majority clans each receive 61 delegates while the remaining minority clans receive 31 delegates combined. Critics of the formula point out that it codifies the dominant role of majority clans in the political system. But in my understanding, it codifies partition, bitterness, mistrust, and seclusion amongst Somalis.

Accounts such as: “Minority rights must be respected and Equal Representation in government is essential” become the scape goat to advocate for this infamous 4.5 formula that modulates some of Somalis to a consequential pitfall. In all accounts, I am a prominent advocate for fully integrated, cohesive, Somalia that respects the rights of every citizen and affords resources and opportunities including: employment, political participation, and public repetitions equally to its citizens. But, in all fairness, Would a minority living in Mogadishu, Hargaisa, Gailkayo, Baidowa, Jowhar, or Kismayo be better of having hospitals to attend when got sick, schools for their children, roads for better transportation, and a booming economy resulting from these constituent development, rather than having one or two MPs in Mogadishu who don’t represent, care, or even know their local needs and interests?

As once said by the former Speaker of the U.S. House Tip O’Neill “All politics is local” which encapsulates a politician’s success is directly tied to the person’s ability to understand and influence the issues of their constituents. In like manner, other than the general interest of the nation, if any, what common local concerns or necessities does a person in Bosaso share with one in Kismayo, Dhusamareb, Hargaisa, or Marka? The answer seems to be—all politics is local! They have different political landscapes and social demands. They have different pressing essentials in security, economic growth, and overall development. In this sense, can a person from Borame represent the interest of a person from Marka, Baidowa, or Beletwain? The answer is again, all politics is local and so are their demands! Therefore, to say one can represent the interest of the other despite their electorate and residential/nativity just because they share a common clan fails this test.

The country is plagued by corruption and insecurity, which deteriorated the economy and our overall livelihood. Albert Einstein once said, “Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results” To continue to 4.5 formula, fits this insanity and will just protract our perpetual insanity and status quo. We need to change the course and ask ourselves, under what conditions is a newly democratic government likely to increase transparency, accountability, and responsiveness to its citizens? My answer is—a constituency based election! We need a constituent based congress that represents its people and their will, speaks for their development, “bridges, boreholes, roads, schools, hospitals, etc.” and puts forward agendas for constituent development—not clan development. In turn, the constituency will hold their elected member/s of the congress accountable!

Instead of identifying a member of a congress by his/her clan, we will identify him by his/her constituency and district! We know our country, in Somalia, there is no one region or a district that is fully occupied by one clan 100%. Let the people integrate and feel included! Stop detaching this nation a part by assigning different clan labels.

Somalis are not as portrayed by these dark civil war moments. They are more mature, civil, and democratic people, if given the opportunity. After all, Adan Abdulle Osman (Adan Ade) was the first postcolonial African head of state to voluntarily step down after losing an election. The 4.5 is spearheaded by delicate politicians with subservient political upcoming to motivate their fiefdoms as the warlords used to invigorate their respective clans to achieve their desired goals.

In general, change is ugly, it’s scary, and it freaks people out—probably even more so in Somalia, but it’s the sort of amorphous issue that we don’t think about, because it manifests itself subtly in so many ways. Give the accurate democracy a chance, and don’t let the Somalia’s enigmatic adversary “4.5’ continue to dominate and defeat us.

Isaac Muhammad
Email:Isaacmuhammad@gmail.com
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Isaac Muhammad is the founder and the Chairman of the Legacy Center for Peace and Transparency, a think tank organization dedicated to fighting corruption, building peace, and democratic society in Somalia. You can follow him on twitter @Isaacmuhammad1