By Stig Jarle Hansen, with contributions from
Mohamed H. Gaas, Stig J. Hansen and Halvard Leira
Editor’s Note: In recent times, the tiny nation of Qatar in the Middle East has been taking great strides in the expansion of its peace making efforts and foreign policy engagements. Prominent Norwegian researcher Stig Jarle Hansen and his counterparts Mohamed H. Gaas, Stig J. Hansen and Halvard Leira, look into the meticulous strategies employed by the Qataris in their pursuit of shinning in the global political limelight.
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Qatar is an enigma: a world actor yet a small country with approximately a quarter of a million citizens. It does not have a socialist system or a democracy, rather an enlightened monarchy. It has a large academic sector, yet few professors study Qatari politics, even inside Qatar.
As will be indicated in this report, Qatari politics with its global impact should be studied thoroughly; Qatar has influenced strategic conflicts around the wider Middle East, including the Somali conflict in the south, the Malian conflict in the west, the Afghan conflict in the east, and the Syrian conflict to the north of Qatar. Qatar has frequently attempted to mediate, often in high level mediations in areas as the Horn of Africa and in Lebanon. Perhaps less known, it has interfered diplomatically to assist in resolving kidnapping cases in Yemen, and to secure the release of confiscated fishing boats in Eritrea. A large span of activities for a small kingdom, a kingdom that has been transforming itself quite rapidly over the last century, from a peripheral area stricken by poverty to a booming global metropolis.
Qatari traditions influence its politics. Several observers claim that religion does not influence Qatari politics, yet it has engaged only with Muslim countries, and has shown a tendency for supporting religious political factions. As suggested later in the report this is perhaps because Islam is a part of the Qatari identity, rather than religious elites influencing policies directly;Islam creates a space and limits to a repertoire of action for the Qataris.
The Qatari tribal monarchy, led by the Al Thani family since 1825, but also influenced by rival families such as the Al Attiyah, can roughly be divided into four layers, rulers, movers, spacers and tellers. The rulers are the Emirs themselves, of whom three are important in order to understand present day Qatar: firstly, Sheikh Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani, the Emir from 1973 until 1995 who built the foundations of independent Qatar and modernized the country. Under his reign, in 1991, Qatar participated alongside Saudi Arabia in the bloody battle of Kafji during the second Gulf War between Saddam Hussein and an international coalition led by the United
States, establishing itself as an ally of the United States in that war and later signing a defence cooperation agreement with the United States, an agreement that has been a pillar in Qatari politics and subsequently led to the establishment of the As Sayliyah (CENTCOM) and Al Udeid military bases, crucial for the military operations of United states in Afghanistan and Iraq .Under Sheikh Khalifa bin Hamad’s reign, border clashes with Saudi Arabia ended, some say because of the defence cooperation with United States The nucleolus of a stronger Qatari foreign policy was seen in, for example, Yemen.
It is nevertheless more common to say that modern Qatari foreign policy was formed from 1995 and onwards under the reign of the next Emir, Hamad bin Khalifa who deposed his father in 1995. Under his reign Al Jazeera was established and the diplomatic engagements studied in this report took place. His heir, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad, was allowed increasing responsibilities within Qatari foreign policy until he took over as an Emir in 2013.
In Qatari politics the persona of the Emir is sovereign, and the Emir is central in all decisions.There are, however, individuals who have a strong influence on the Emir, who are able to influence decisions directly: the movers. During the reign of Hamad bin Khalifa, it seemed his second wife Mozah bint Nasser Al Missned, the mother of the current Emir, was such a person; with a keen interest in humanitarian affairs and with a rumoured influence both in the Palestinian issue and the Libyan issue 2. The veteran diplomat Hamad bin Jassim bin Jaber bin Muhammad Al Thani , Prime Minister under Hamad bin Kahlifa, as well as foreign minister for both Hamad bin Khalifa and his father, was also one of these 3. His replacement when Tamim bin Hamad took power illustrates how the movers are dependent on the will of the rulers. Although the new Foreign Minister, long-time Deputy Foreign Minister and a part of the close circle around the current Emir when he was crown prince, Khalid al-Attiyah illustrates a form of continuity ensured through network, and may definitively be considered a mover. It is highly likely that Mozah and the former Emir also will remain in this category.
Stig Jarle Hansen, with contributions from
Mohamed H. Gaas, Stig J. Hansen and Halvard Leira
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