By Faysal Omer
Member of Parliament, Somali Region
Standfirst
Recent report claims that an opposition party is independently running Ethiopia’s education system have drawn international attention. But beneath the headlines lies a constitutional reality often misunderstood outside the country: in Ethiopia, as in most democracies, national education policy is set by state institutions—not by political parties acting on their own.
A Question Prompted by Confusion
In recent weeks, commentary circulating in Ethiopian and other media has suggested that an opposition party is effectively managing Ethiopia’s education sector using its own party policy, with little involvement from the ruling government.
To outside observers, this may sound plausible—particularly in political systems where coalition governments are common or where power is shared across parties. In Ethiopia’s case, however, such claims misunderstand how authority is structured under the country’s constitution.
This article seeks to clarify, for an international audience, how education policy is actually made in Ethiopia—and why party affiliation alone does not confer governing power.
How Ethiopia’s System Works
Ethiopia is a federal parliamentary republic governed by a written constitution. Like most constitutional democracies, it separates political competition from state authority.
Political parties compete during elections. Voters choose representatives. Once elections are concluded, governance is carried out through constitutional institutions—not through party structures.
This distinction matters.
A party’s manifesto may influence debate or inspire policy proposals, but it does not become national policy unless it passes through formal state institutions and legal procedures.
Who Sets Education Policy?
Under Ethiopia’s Constitution, national policy-making authority rests with the executive branch, specifically the Council of Ministers.
The Constitution assigns the Council of Ministers responsibility for formulating and implementing economic, social, and development policies—including education.
In practical terms:
- Education policy is not decided by individual ministers
- It is not designed or implemented by political parties
- It is adopted collectively by the executive, operating under constitutional authority
This mirrors systems in many democracies. In the United Kingdom, for example, a cabinet minister cannot implement their party’s platform unless it is approved by the government as a whole. The same applies in Ethiopia.
Ministers Represent the State, Not Their Parties
One of the most misunderstood aspects of Ethiopian governance is the role of ministers who come from outside the ruling party.
Once appointed, ministers become state officials, not party representatives. They are bound by the principle of collective executive responsibility, meaning:
1) They act in the name of the government, not their party
2) They are accountable to cabinet decisions
3) Personal or party positions must yield to agreed government policy
If ministers were free to govern according to their individual party programs, the result would be institutional fragmentation and policy instability—outcomes no constitutional system can sustain.
The Prime Minister’s Role
The Ethiopian Prime Minister chairs the Council of Ministers and is responsible for ensuring implementation of government policy.
Because the Prime Minister comes from the Prosperity Party—the party that won a parliamentary majority—national policy direction reflects that electoral mandate. This is not exceptional; it is how parliamentary democracies function globally.
Policy leadership flows from democratic choice, exercised through elections and reinforced by constitutional design.
Parliament as the Ultimate Gatekeeper
Crucially, no major education reform can take place without parliamentary approval.
Ethiopia’s House of Peoples’ Representatives: Passes legislation, approves budgets andoOversees the executive
Education laws, sector strategies, and national budgets must all be debated and approved by elected lawmakers. Where one party holds a majority, policy outcomes naturally reflect that mandate—just as they do in most parliamentary systems.
What Opposition-Affiliated Ministers Can—and Cannot—Do
The inclusion of ministers from opposition backgrounds does not mean Ethiopia operates a coalition government, nor does it allow those ministers to implement their party platforms.
What such ministers can do:
- Contribute ideas during cabinet discussions
- Improve administration and service delivery
- Promote transparency and professionalism
- Pilot reforms within approved national frameworks
What they cannot do:
- Implement a party manifesto as state policy
- Redirect public funds without parliamentary approval
- Publicly oppose cabinet decisions while remaining in office
- Convert a government ministry into a party platform
These limits are not political—they are constitutional.
Why This Distinction Matters
For international audiences, misunderstanding how authority functions in Ethiopia can lead to:
1) Incorrect assumptions about who governs
2) Overestimation of party autonomy within the state and
3) Confusion about accountability for policy outcomes
In a large, diverse federal country, institutional clarity is essential. Governance depends on rules, not personalities or party labels.
A Broader Democratic Lesson
The Ethiopian case offers a broader reminder applicable beyond Africa.
Democracy is not defined solely by the number of parties in government, but by the strength of institutions, respect for constitutional boundaries, and clarity of accountability.
Opposition parties play a vital role—through parliament, public debate, research, and civic engagement. But governing authority belongs to those entrusted with power through elections and constitutional processes.
Conclusion
Ethiopia’s education system is not governed by any single political party acting independently. It is governed by:
1) A constitution
2) An elected parliament
3) A collective executive
4) The will of voters expressed through elections
Understanding this framework is essential for accurate analysis, responsible reporting, and meaningful international engagement with Ethiopia’s political and policy landscape.
Faysal Omer, Member of Parliament, Somali Region
Email: faysal387@gmail.com