By Ali Haji Warsame

Being involved in Somali politics is chaotic, often defying all known and even unknown political norms. In short, the general advice is to follow the crowd. This tendency has cultural roots, as Somalis often use the proverb “Meeshii laga il la’ yahay il baa la iska tiraa,” which can be roughly translated as “When the people are one-eyed, take your eye as well,” or more generally, “If you are in Rome, do as the Romans do.” Grazing with the herd encourages acceptance of prevailing societal issues and deprives individuals of the opportunity to challenge or improve them.

I was often warned about the urgency of making a change, but contributing was always seen as overreaching within the country’s political landscape. As a returnee from the West, I believed in idealism and thought I could make a difference. However, nothing fully prepared me for what I encountered in 2014 as a presidential hopeful and the appointed Minister of Education. Within two years, I witnessed the good, the bad, and the ugly sides of the political spectrum. I came to understand why many honest friends and colleagues had warned me, recognizing that their caution was rooted in genuine concern for my well-being.

Having said that, not everything was negative, as politics is rarely entirely black or white, most areas exist in shades of grey. I will remind the reader of certain points in that landscape without delving into an exhaustive discussion. As a point of reference, I left my country, Somalia, early in the civil war that engulfed it in 1991. Mogadishu, the government’s last stronghold, fell into the hands of opposition militias led by the United Somali Congress (USC) in January 1991, as President Said Barre fled the city, leaving it at the mercy of clan militias. As a keen observer at the time, I expected a smooth transfer of power, though, as the saying goes metaphorically, whoever “married my mother” would be considered my uncle. I assumed that someone would take over and that business would continue as usual, or so I thought.

Initially, we believed the turmoil would pass quickly and that things would settle down. However, the situation quickly escalated, revealing that specific segments of the city’s population were being targeted. Living in the area of Labo-dhagah, my family became one of the first easy targets. To avoid potential backlash, we relocated to the Medina district, which was less volatile and more homogeneous at the time. Unfortunately, the situation there soon deteriorated as well. It became clear that chaos could erupt at any moment, and we needed to take the matter seriously.

It is important to note that Ethiopia was also facing challenges from the TPLF militia. Unlike the Somali situation, the Ethiopian authorities managed to maintain stability: Addis Ababa remained safe, government institutions stayed intact, and the regime ensured a smooth transition with guaranteed passage. This contrast highlights the divergent ways in which political upheavals were managed in the Horn of Africa at that time.

Highlighting the growing conviction I held that there was no longer any room for safety in Mogadishu, Somalia, seemed to be left to its fate, with dire consequences of death and destruction. I have recently documented this journey in my series of articles in WardheerNews.

When the Gulf War erupted in Iraq on 17 January 1991, aiming to expel Iraqi forces from Kuwait, I was in Afgoye, contemplating leaving the city for good. It was becoming apparent that the indications were all confirming the ethnic cleansing of Mogadishu by any means necessary. Innocent civilians were targeted, and their properties, houses, cars, business stores, as well as public offices, were either looted or destroyed. As a family, we decided to plan our exit from the city and return to the Northeastern regions of Somalia until the dust settles. 

My background as an executive in one of the largest companies in the country has enabled me to accept challenges and aim to excel. By the time I joined Golis Telecom Somalia in early 2012 as Chief Executive Officer, I was given a daunting task to resolve the significant technical and administrative challenges the company faced at that time. Golis was a giant and bureaucratic company, acting as the largest employer in Puntland, but the prevailing issues were partially crippling its fast and complex services to the people. No other company has made a profound impact in Puntland like Golis, owing to its rapid network coverage and extensive services, including internet, digital money and electricity. As they say, nothing moves in Puntland without the Golis network. 

As a new CEO, my responsibilities span from overseeing all managerial and financial activities of the company, ensuring adherence to the financial and operational budget of the company, safeguarding the company’s market share by keeping technically abreast, formulating administrative policies and procedures of the company, and coordination with all divisions, departments, sections, and sub-sections of the company at all levels.

I was the first CEO not directly associated with the company’s main shareholders, but I had been the group’s external auditor since 2007. This experience made me intimately familiar with the company’s affairs, challenges, and successes. I became a Certified Public Accountant in 1999 and obtained my auditing license in 2001. With my strong background in finance, accounting, and auditing, I was able to compensate for my lack of technical expertise. The telecommunications industry is rapidly evolving, and Golis Telecom is facing several technical and administrative challenges.

It would be far from the truth to claim that I was not initially nervous or worried about the possibility of failing. However, my apprehension quickly shifted when the Chairman of the Board, Abdiaziz Gureye Karshe, challenged me profoundly. He posed a straightforward question

“Ali, how long have you been an external auditor for the company?”
I answered abruptly, “Five years.”
He continued, “How many pages of recommendations did you write each year, in addition to the audit opinion?”
I replied, “On average, 20 pages.”
Then, he firmly stated, “All we need from you is to implement your recommendations, which are sufficient to turn things around.”

I felt a sharp bang in my stomach at this blunt truth. However, I gained confidence, knowing that I was well-prepared to succeed and, as he put it, ready to make the necessary adjustments. With this clarity and the full support of the Board of Directors, I made my first decisive request: that Board members who were also permanent staff resign from operational matters. This was not an easy request, as it involved difficult discussions, but I believed it was essential: one cannot effectively manage their own boss.

In my understanding, board members should focus on governance, strategic direction, and accountability. Governance refers to the framework that dictates how the board is structured, operates, and makes decisions. This framework determines the organization’s growth and strategic direction, encompassing both short-term and long-term goals. Board members also carry a legal responsibility to provide oversight and ensure accountability. They must guarantee that all legal and ethical standards are upheld and that the organization is managing its assets and resources effectively. Given this focus, it is challenging for board members to be simultaneously involved in operational matters. Consequently, my request for full control over the operational team was granted.

I then concentrated on upper management, including division managers and senior officers, and began implementing a strict schedule. To lead by example, I was the first to arrive at the office and the last to leave. This behaviour soon encouraged the rest of the team to follow suit, and operations began to align. Our IT department developed a new communication tool connecting headquarters with all branches and centres, allowing me to monitor ongoing work in real-time. When operations were running smoothly, I avoided interfering with processes, particularly those related to Operations. However, if I noticed a need for intervention, I was prepared to act quickly and decisively. I later realized that this approach was both effective and well-received by mid-management and regular staff. Each morning, I made it a point to ensure that all senior staff were present in their offices. If I learned that someone was arriving late or stepping out, I would discreetly instruct their secretary to signal that I was checking in on them, which typically prompted the staff member to call and excuse themselves.

Along with these two quick measures, I began informing the company staff that if they improved their performance and became more productive, it would be reflected in their paychecks. The better they performed, the higher their pay would be. This incentive initiative quickly generated waves of motivation among all staff. As I settled into routine operations, I became more comfortable in my role.

As the CEO of Golis Telecom during the final two years of President Faroole’s term, I gained a firsthand understanding of the true situation in Puntland and shared in local disappointment. Although the president was elected for a four-year term, he introduced a new constitution extending the presidential mandate to five years. Technically, the extension was supposed to take effect only with the next administration. However, he chose to impose an illegal one-year extension, creating a volatile environment prone to unpredictable consequences. Instead of focusing on institution-building and attracting investments—measures that could have positioned Puntland as a prosperous region, akin to Singapore within Somalia—the leadership prioritized personal interests over national priorities.

This trend of prioritizing individual or group interests over national unity began early and continues to affect Puntland, just as it has in mainland Somalia. After nearly two years and successfully completing my assigned tasks, I chose to leave the company of my own accord to run for the presidency of Puntland in 2014. In hindsight, I might have made a different choice, but at that moment, this move was the best available option based on my judgment. I have no regrets.

I presented myself as a candidate in the Puntland presidential elections, which took place on January 8, 2014, in Garowe. I received the endorsement of former Puntland Vice President, Senator Mohamed Ali Yusuf “Gaagaab,” who withdrew from the race on January 2, 2014. In the first round of voting, 8 out of 11 presidential contenders were eliminated. The candidates who advanced to the second round were incumbent Puntland President Abdirahman Mohamud Farole, former Somali Prime Minister Abdiweli Mohamed Ali, and me. In the second round, I received 16 votes, Gaas received 18, and Farole received 31. As a result, I decided to support Gaas, who eventually won the election and the presidency. Consequently, on January 28, 2014, I was appointed as Puntland’s Minister of Education.

Having assumed the role of the highest policymaker in the education sector in Puntland, I brought a strong background and experience from the private sector. I began building on the achievements of my predecessor while transforming the Ministry of Education. During my tenure, I focused on setting the overall direction for the Ministry, overseeing the implementation of government policies in the education sector, and managing the state’s educational system.

To strengthen the Ministry, I worked to secure funding for routine operations, engage with educational partners and donors, collaborate with academic institutions and the private sector, and involve the public to ensure the provision of a quality, accessible, and equitable educational system.

I also initiated plans for technical and vocational schools to run alongside academic programs, aiming to enhance youth skills and help new graduates secure employment. Unfortunately, these efforts were abruptly halted when President Gaas dismissed me while I was on a business trip to Sweden, seeking support for Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET). As I detailed in my recent article published on WardheerNews on October 9, 2024, Puntland’s educational system still struggles in these areas, producing thousands of unskilled and unemployable graduates.

Almost a decade later, I had the opportunity not as a candidate but as an observer in the 15 May 2022 federal presidential elections. This time, I chose to support President Hassan Sh. Mohamoud in his bid for re-election. I had been a strong critic of his first term, even recording a piece in September 2017 titled “What President HSM Will Be Remembered For.” However, by 2022, I became convinced that he could turn the country around—should he be willing to do so, drawing on his five years of presidential experience and his role as a critic of his predecessor, President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo. I shared this belief during the grand event for his second presidential bid in 2022. I also expressed this strong view during my interview with Al-Jazeera English the day before the election.

I was convinced that after ten years of active service and opposition, he had gained the experience necessary to navigate Somalia’s complex political landscape and foster trust in governance. The trust deficit has long been a significant factor contributing to the country’s political failures since independence. A leader with this background is well-equipped to address current challenges, including corruption, nepotism, mismanagement of resources, inadequate reconciliation efforts, lack of access to quality social services, and the threat posed by extremists like Al-Shabaab. While he has made significant mistakes so far, the opportunity to correct course remains. It is now or never. History will judge him harshly if he fails again.

With proper governance, one critical principle in the private sector is distinguishing between the different roles of the executive branch and the Board of Directors. This distinction must be understood to ensure the proper functioning of each branch within the company. Similarly, at the political level, parliament, which oversees the government, should not simultaneously be part of the executive to maintain checks and balances. In Puntland, a member of parliament cannot retain their status once appointed as a minister. However, at the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) level, nearly two-thirds of the executive are also members of parliament, creating potential for mismanagement and a lack of accountability.

The political landscape of Somalia is once again heading towards a deadlock. With the mandate of the current government, led by President Hassan Sh. Mohamoud, nearing its end, the country faces persistent fragmentation at the highest levels and a lack of meaningful dialogue between the centre and peripheries, as well as among the political elite. Without a political consensus on election procedures and constitutional amendments, Somalia is likely to confront the same uncertainty it has faced in previous transitions. Moreover, the FGS shows little flexibility towards the opposition or the Federal Member States (FMSs), while the country’s international partners remain preoccupied with other global hotspots such as Ukraine, Sudan, and Yemen. In this context, Somalia risks being left to its own fate unless Somalis themselves assume responsibility for shaping their future.

To address this dilemma, concerned Somalis, including those associated with Gurmad Qaran, a political movement working to develop a fresh and forward-looking approach to governance, state-building, and leadership, are striving to fill the vacuum. Their efforts aim to address deep-rooted governance failures by disrupting the cycle of failed leadership. Whether these initiatives will succeed or succumb to failure remains to be seen, but the stakes are high. Ultimately, during times of crisis, strong and visionary leadership becomes crucial. Without decisive action and consensus-building, Somalia risks repeating the patterns of uncertainty, fragmentation, and institutional decay that have long impeded its progress.

Ali Haji Warsame MBA MA CPA CGMA
Email: ali.warsame@hiilinstitute.org  
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Ali is the Executive Director – Hiil Institute for Governance and a former Puntland Minister of Education