By Mohamed A. Haji Hussein

A Closer Look at the Somaliland–Puntland Agreement

Somaliland and Puntland reached an agreement during a meeting held in Nairobi on October 2, 2025. This was not the first time both sides had reached such an understanding. In the past, there were other agreements, some reported in the media and others partially implemented. For instance, prisoners captured in the conflict with SSC-Khatumo (now the North East State) were exchanged on April 2025 in Hargeisa and Garowe. Other reports also suggested that both sides were working toward improving their relationship.

The latest meeting in Nairobi was attended by ministers and other officials from both administrations. At the conclusion of the talks, a joint statement was released outlining what had been agreed upon. The first article of the agreement stated that Somaliland and Puntland had agreed to cooperate in the fight against Al-Shabaab, Daesh, and any other groups or individuals attempting to commit acts of terrorism along their shared border. Notably, the statement made no mention of the newly recognized North East State, which is now part of the Federal Government of Somalia.

Anyone familiar with Somali politics would immediately recognize the inconsistency in that first article. Somaliland, according to its constitution, claims that its border extends near Garowe, the capital of Puntland, based on the boundaries of the former British Protectorate of Somaliland. Puntland, on the other hand, claims part of the same territory that Somaliland considers its own. Common sense would suggest that unless Somaliland and Puntland first agree on where their border actually lies, any agreement referring to an undefined or disputed boundary makes little sense.

This brings us to the key question: what is the real reason behind this new agreement?

To answer that, one must understand the political dynamics in the region. The Somali Federal Government recently recognized the North East State of Somalia, an area located between Somaliland and Puntland — long considered a disputed region by both sides. Once the process of forming this new state began, both Somaliland and Puntland took steps to obstruct it.

When Prime Minister Hamza was scheduled to visit Lasanod, the capital of the North East State, Somaliland issued a press statement warning that he would bear responsibility for anything that might happen during his visit. Puntland, which also claims that territory, remained silent. From that point, the politics of “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” began to take shape, a strategy that has consistently failed in Somali politics.

Such alliances are built not on principle or mutual interest but on temporary convenience, offering leaders short-term political breathing space without delivering tangible benefits to the people. Somaliland and Puntland’s newfound “friendship” is based on their shared opposition to the North East State’s relationship with the Federal Government. Both argue that Mogadishu has no business interfering in what they consider their internal affairs.

This approach reflects a broader pattern in Somali politics, which today revolves less around governance and public interest and more around personal ambition and rivalry. Leaders focus on defeating their opponents rather than building institutions or serving their people.

This destructive style of politics starts from the top with the Federal Government itself. A good leader guides his people toward progress and prosperity, setting an example that others follow. But when a leader’s goal is to preserve his own power, every political move becomes a battle against perceived rivals.

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud embraced this approach when he declared that he would not be stopped by anyone in implementing his mandate. That kind of leadership cannot work in a country like Somalia, a nation that still needs consensus and a finalized constitution. In such a fragile environment, leadership must be inclusive and unifying, not combative.

As President Hassan Sheikh leads with a mindset of defeating others to achieve his objectives, other leaders including President Abdirahman Irro, Ahmed Madobe, and Said Deni, have followed the same path, focusing their energy on opposing him rather than serving their citizens. As a result, citizens of those states support their leaders not because they are delivering tangible benefits to the people but because they see them as defending against President Hassan Sheikh’s attempts to centralize power.

Today, Somalia desperately needs a leader who puts the people’s interests first.

Mohamed Abdiqafar Haji Hussein
Email: mohabdhus@gmail.com 
Atlanta , Georgia.