By Nur Hassan Gure (Nurdin)

Somalia’s crisis will not be solved by piety alone or by institutions alone a response to Dr. Abdurahman Baadiyow and Dayib Sheikh Ahmed Somalia’s Mosques are full, Ramadan is faithfully observed, the Qur’an is recited in homes across the country, and thousands of Somalis travel each year to perform Hajj and Umrah. Yet for more than three decades, this same deeply religious society has remained trapped in conflict, corruption, division, and weak governance.

Two recent articles in WardheerNews confront that paradox from different directions. In “Much Worship, Little Morality: What Is Wrong with Us?”, Dr. Abdurahman Abdullahi Baadiyow highlights the gap between the worship we perform and the moral character it is meant to cultivate. In his response, “The Problem Is Not a Lack of Worship It Is the Absence of Accountability,” Dayib Sheikh Ahmed argues that asking “What is wrong with us?” is not enough; we must also ask, “What happened to us?” He points to civil war, mass displacement, institutional collapse, social trauma, and the prolonged absence of accountability as the forces that have shaped Somalia’s political culture. The two writers are examining the same crisis from different angles. Dr. Baadiyow emphasizes personal morality while Dayib emphasizes trauma and institutional failure. Each is one right, and neither is sufficient alone.

Somalia’s crisis is neither simply a failure of worship nor solely the collapse of institutions. It is a rupture between what we believe, how we behave, and the political system we have built.
Worship and Public Trust Genuine worship does not end at the mosque door. It must be visible in how a person safeguards public resources, administers justice, treats the vulnerable, and exercises the authority entrusted to him or her. The Qur’an commands believers to return trusts to those entitled to them and, when judging between people, to judge with justice (Surat An-Nisa, 4:58). The Prophet Muhammad peace and blessings be upon him taught that every person is a guardian and will be held accountable for whatever has been placed in his or her care.

Public office is neither personal property, a political reward, nor a clan inheritance. It is a trust conferred by society. That trust must be exercised with honesty, justice, and integrity. It follows that a leader cannot be judged by his prayers, fasting, mosque attendance, or eloquence about religion alone. As Dayib wrote, he must be judged by what he did with the power entrusted to him:  Did poverty decline during his tenure? Was justice strengthened? Did corruption fall? Were public resources protected? Were the rights and dignity of citizens respected? Were institutions stronger when he left office than when he entered them?  

These are not secular questions competing with religious ones. They are the questions that faith itself requires us to ask. Institutions That Restrain Power Moral preaching and personal virtue cannot, on their own, build a state. Good leaders come and go; the country needs institutions strong enough to outlast them and to bind every officeholder to the law. Institutions cannot replace conscience, but they can limit the damage when conscience fails. Where institutions are weak, a good leader is restrained only by personal morality, while a bad leader faces no effective barrier to corruption, abuse, or authoritarian ambition.

Somalia needs an independent judiciary, a parliament capable of genuinely holding the executive to account; a strong and autonomous Auditor General, transparent public finances, credible accountability mechanisms, a professional civil service; security forces that obey the law; and a free and responsible press. These are not ornaments of government. They are the citizen’s strongest protection against oppression, corruption, and the abuse of power. Rules must be stronger than rulers, and institutions stronger than personalities.

Social Trauma and Shared Responsibility

The trauma of civil war and state collapse is real, and it helps explain much of our destructive political behaviour. But explanation is not justification. Trauma must never become an excuse for corruption, injustice, or the abuse of power.

Understanding our wounds should serve a different purpose: to heal the past, reconcile communities, restore public trust, and rebuild state institutions. These are among the most urgent national priorities. What happened to us must not become a permanent inheritance of resentment and mistrust passed from one generation to the next. Genuine healing requires truth-telling, acknowledgment of harm, forgiveness, accountability, and credible justice, and none of these can succeed without the others. Responsibility, however, does not rest with leaders alone. Citizens must fulfil theirs too. We cannot condemn corruption when an opponent commit it and defend it when the offender belongs to our clan, party, or political camp. That is not justice; it is political clannish disguised as justice. A society that applies morality selectively cannot build impartial institutions. The Responsibility of Intellectuals and Advisers. The role of the intellectual cannot end with diagnosing society’s failures in print. Public writing matters: it awakens society, opens debate, challenges complacency, and stirs the collective conscience. But intellectuals with direct access to political leaders carry a heavier burden, because their words can reach the rooms where decisions are made.

Dr. Abdirahman Baadiyow, Dayib Sheikh Ahmed, and other men and women of religious learning, professional expertise, and public influence are expected to speak the truth courageously to the leaders they are able to reach and advise. That obligation weighs most heavily on those who hold public office or counsel those who do. Dr. Baadiyow’s role as a presidential adviser on reconciliation gives him both a valuable opportunity and a special obligation. He is well placed to raise directly with the President the grievances of the public, the concerns of Mogadishu’s residents about governance and justice, the continuing disputes between the Federal Government and the Federal Member States, and the need to exercise power through law, consultation, and equality.

Writing publicly about injustice is important, but it is only the beginning. A leader must also be advised directly, reminded repeatedly of his duty to uphold justice, and confronted with the moral and political consequences of failing to do so. The Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Prophet peace and blessings be upon him are unequivocal in commanding justice.

Truthful advice is rarely what the powerful want to hear; the most valuable counsel is often the least comfortable. At times it means confronting a leader with his failures and reminding him that public office is a trust, power is a test, and authority carries consequences before both the people and God.

Conclusion

Dr. Abdirahman Baadiyow is right that worship must produce moral character. Dayib is equally right that morality cannot bear fruit unless it is translated into accountability, justice, and functioning institutions. Somalia needs both truths joined in practice. Somalia needs faith to govern the conscience and institutions to govern power. We need leaders guided by the fear of God, and laws that apply equally to every citizen and officeholder. We need people willing to speak uncomfortable truths to those in power. And we need vigilant citizens who know their rights, fulfil their responsibilities, and refuse to defend injustice merely because it benefits their clan, party, or political allies.

When worship cultivates integrity, integrity produces responsibility, and responsibility yields accountability and justice, state institutions can finally earn the confidence of the people. That is where legitimate statehood begins: with a government that serves its citizens, rather than citizens compelled to serve those who rule them.

Nur Hassan Gure (Nurdin)
Email: nurgure87@gmail.com