By Ali Haji Warsame
Somalia’s name is once again in the spotlight, attracting attention for both positive and negative reasons, while trending widely on social media platforms. At first glance, Somalis across the globe appear to be able to endure and withstand significant challenges that they face abroad and at home, while still thriving. Yet beneath this resilience lies a deep fragility and fragmentation at all levels. This paradox of resilience and fragmentation defines Somalia’s modern history, and it needs to be deciphered. Despite resisting cultural assimilation during colonial rule and successfully maintaining their cultural and religious traditions, the post-independence era was marked by authoritarianism, civil war, and the normalization of impunity. By comparing Somalia with other nations in the Horn of Africa, it becomes clear that Somalia’s resilience was rooted in cultural identity rather than institutional strength, explaining why traditions endured even as the state disintegrated.
Looking back, Somalia’s history is characterized by both resilience and tragedy. The country resisted cultural assimilation during colonial rule, preserving its moderate Islamic faith and nomadic traditions. Still, it has also faced decades of political collapse, civil war, lack of basic services, and rampant corruption at all levels and at all times. Historically, colonial powers divided Somalia into five regions: British Somaliland, Italian Somaliland, French Somaliland (now Djibouti), the Somali-inhabited Ogaden region under Ethiopian control, and the Northern Frontier District under Kenyan control. This partition fractured Somali unity but failed to erase their cultural identity. Quranic schools thrived despite restrictions on formal education, ensuring literacy in Arabic and preserving Islamic scholarship.
Colonizers exploited clan rivalries to maintain control over the region, but Somalis kept their cultural pride. Colonel Gerald Hanley, a British officer and author of the book: Warriors: Life and Death Among the Somalis (1947), described Somalis as “the proudest, bravest, vainest, yet friendliest” people he had ever encountered. He also added that a Somali often feels himself to be twice as good as any white man, or any other kind of man, even when he is mistaken. Hanley also remarked that among all races in Africa, there is none better to live among than the Somalis. He even predicted that if Somalis were educated, and the factories of education were opened for them, they would surprise themselves and the rest of Africa.
In 1972, the Somali language transitioned from being primarily an oral language to one that officially adopted the Latin script. A mass literacy campaign was launched in 1973/74, which successfully raised the literacy rate to over 60%. The independence achieved in 1960 brought a deep sense of optimism. The Somali Republic, formed by merging British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland, experimented with parliamentary democracy, though the dream of pan-Somali unity was never realized. Clan-based politics undermined cohesion, and the government struggled to balance modern state-building with traditional clan structures.
The 1969 coup led by Siad Barre marked a turning point. His regime initially promoted “scientific socialism,” literacy campaigns, and modernization, including the successful introduction of a standardized Somali script. Yet authoritarianism, clan favouritism, and corruption eroded civic values. Respect for elders, communal solidarity, and responsibility for public property gave way to opportunism.
By the late 1980s, Somalia faced economic decline, political repression, and growing clan-based opposition. Barre’s regime collapsed in 1991, plunging the country into civil war. The civil war destroyed Somalia’s institutions. Ministries, schools, and universities were looted, and the Somali National University was dismantled, symbolizing the collapse of intellectual life. The country faced the most significant brain drain in its history when many civil servants fled the country for their safety, eventually resettling in Europe and North America.
During the turmoil, looters, who were unfamiliar with modern technology, mistook computers for television sets, highlighting the tragic disconnect between society and modernity at that time. The war displaced nearly half of the population, dividing the country into clan-based fiefdoms. The collapse of civil society created a vacuum filled by warlords, militias, and extremist groups. For over 35 years, Somalia has lacked a functioning central government. Generations have grown up seeing corruption, warlordism, and exploitation as the norm. Even after the Arta Conference of 2000 attempted to rebuild governance, impunity remained entrenched.
Political elites exploited clan loyalties for personal gain, businesspeople imported expired goods and harmful substances, and religious scholars often failed to provide progressive guidance. Disillusioned youth saw migration as the only path to dignity and opportunity. Leaders auctioned national interests to foreign powers, while ordinary citizens remained trapped in cycles of poverty and mistrust. Although open tribal wars are less prevalent today, political elites continue to manipulate clan sentiments to consolidate power. Somalia’s trajectory mirrors other post-colonial African states where colonial boundaries and authoritarian legacies fueled instability, but Somalia’s collapse is uniquely severe due to the absence of a functioning state for decades. The normalization of lawlessness has created a society where corruption and impunity are seen not as exceptions but as the rule.
Comparisons with neighbours in the Horn of Africa highlight Somalia’s distinct path. Ethiopia, which resisted full colonization, drew strength from its imperial cultural tradition, often through assimilation under Amhara elite control. Somalia’s resilience, by contrast, stemmed from its decentralized clan system and Islamic faith, which preserved diversity. Djibouti, once French Somaliland, developed a mixed Franco-Somali identity, with French influence impacting governance and language. Despite colonial pressures, Somalia maintained its religion, language, and nomadic traditions more effectively than other nations. Eritrea, which faced multiple colonial rulers, developed its resilience through resistance movements and a strong nationalist identity. Ultimately, Somalia’s resilience was defined by continuity, with its Islamic faith and clan traditions remaining intact despite the impact of partition.
All Horn of Africa nations have faced external domination, authoritarian rule, and civil conflict, but Somalia’s descent into statelessness is unique. While Ethiopia and Eritrea maintained authoritarian, centralized states, and Djibouti retained a functioning government under French oversight, Somalia’s resilience was cultural rather than institutional, leaving it vulnerable to collapse. Today, Somalia faces a critical juncture. The culture of impunity threatens to permanently erode national identity. Public institutions responsible for accountability and transparency are lacking, resources are frequently stolen, trust is abused by those in power, checks and balances within government branches are missing, and systemic failures in justice enable offenders to evade accountability.
Violence against civilians, clan-based retaliatory killings, and unchecked corruption sustain instability. This culture of impunity undermines governance, perpetuates violence, and obstructs pathways to reform. Yet history shows that Somalis have always resisted external domination and preserved their faith. The challenge now is internal: to restore civic responsibility, rebuild institutions, and rekindle values of dignity and solidarity. Unless Somalis collectively act, the nation risks permanent disintegration.
The chance of survival is slim but not hopeless. Redemption requires every citizen to take responsibility, rectify past mistakes, and choose reform. It also entails rebuilding public institutions, especially those trusted with accountability and transparency, to allow the country to stand on its feet once again. The current leaders should recognise the fact that without upholding the constitution and the law of the land, they will lose credibility and legitimacy to govern. They shouldn’t venture into acting alone without seeking the broad consensus of all stakeholders.
Ali Haji Warsame MBA MA CPA CGMA
Email: ali.warsame@hiilinstitute.org
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Ali Haji is the executive Director of Hiil Institute for Governance, the former Puntland Minister of Education and WardheerNews contributor.