By Abdullahi Ahmed Nor

The federal project in Somalia is in free fall, and the sitting government in Villa Somalia bears full responsibility.
The recent National Consultative Council (NCC) summit in Mogadishu was a missed opportunity—yet again—to resolve the deepening constitutional crisis that threatens the unity, legitimacy, and viability of Somalia’s federal system. Instead of confronting urgent political deadlocks—such as the lack of an agreed-upon election model, the controversial constitutional amendments pushed through without consensus and the politicization of the national electoral commission—the summit was reduced to a glorified photo op and public relations exercise for the newly declared political vehicle of the sitting government: the Justice and Unity Party.

Of the five Federal Member States (FMS), only three attended—Hirshabelle, South West State, and Galmudug—all of whose presidents have overstayed their constitutional mandates. Their presence at the summit should have sparked legal and public scrutiny, not celebration. Puntland and Jubaland, Somalia’s two most stable and constitutionally grounded FMSs, boycotted the summit entirely, citing growing distrust in Villa Somalia’s relentless push to centralize power and its disregard for constitutional norms. Most glaring of all was the unprecedented decision to grant a seat at the table to SSC-Khaatumo a transitional and emerging -FMS entity with no constitutional mandate—while sidelining Puntland, the original architect and guardian of Somalia’s federalism. This reckless move further exposes the political motives behind Villa Somalia’s version of federalism: selective inclusion, manufactured legitimacy, and erasure of dissent.

The message could not be clearer: the current administration is not interested in federalism as enshrined in the Provisional Federal Constitution (PFC); it is pursuing a de facto unitary system under the veneer of federal consultation. What should have been a serious, good-faith dialogue among equals was instead turned into a campaign launch for President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s political agenda, with the summit hijacked to rally behind his so-called “Justice and Unity” party.

At the center of national frustration lies the administration’s unconstitutional rewriting of the PFC. Against every democratic norm and legal process, President Hassan’s administration unilaterally amended key articles of the Constitution—stripping the Upper House of its role in federal matters, reengineering the separation of powers, and redefining Somalia’s political structure—without public consultation, parliamentary transparency, or FMS participation. Article 120 of the Constitution is explicit: no FMS president may extend his term without formal consensus at the NCC. Yet, those who flouted this rule and illegally extended their mandates were not only welcomed at the summit—they were treated as credible partners in shaping the country’s future. Their participation delegitimizes the entire process and shows that the summit was more about political survival than state-building.

The consequences of this political malpractice are felt most acutely by Somalia’s youth, who continue to flee the country in record numbers. Their reasons are not limited to insecurity or terrorism. They are fleeing from a broken system—one that has traded transparency for cronyism, justice for impunity, and opportunity for nepotism. The wholesale privatization of public lands in Mogadishu—lands that once housed tens of thousands of low-income families, Somali National Army (SNA) soldiers, civil servants, and internally displaced persons (IDPs)—is a particularly grotesque example. These sales were executed without parliamentary approval, without public debate, and without depositing proceeds into the public treasury. Instead, they were pocketed by a network of politically connected individuals, feeding a shadow economy that has enriched the few while impoverishing the many.

The resulting wave of evictions has displaced more than 600,000 people, plunging already vulnerable communities into greater misery. Soldiers who once believed in their mission have watched their families dragged out of ancestral homes by private militias hired to enforce illegal land grabs. Many have deserted. Their morale is shattered—not by Al-Shabaab bullets, but by the betrayal of the state they swore to defend. As one soldier recently asked: “Why should I die for a country that sells my home?”

On the frontlines, demoralization is now endemic. Troops trained by Turkey, Eritrea, and the United States have either been decimated or have melted away. Entire districts have fallen to Al-Shabaab without resistance—not due to lack of capacity, but due to lack of political will and national cohesion. For many in uniform, the enemy is no longer just hiding in the bush; he wears a suit in Mogadishu, trades land deeds for dollars, and rewrites the constitution to stay in power.

The creation of the Justice and Unity Party during an NCC summit—originally intended as a national forum for reconciliation and consensus—is an alarming development. Political parties are a cornerstone of democracy. But they must be born through an open, inclusive, and legally guided process. Instead, this party is the culmination of executive overreach, FMS manipulation, and the politicization of what should be neutral state functions. The timing and setting of its announcement were designed to consolidate power—not to broaden participation.

In this context, the very existence of the NCC has become farcical. A council meant to safeguard federalism has become an instrument for dismantling it. By using the NCC as a stage for partisan politics, Villa Somalia has irreparably damaged its credibility and alienated half the country. It has turned a consultative body into a coronation ceremony. The symbolism is stark: a ruling party rises, while federalism collapses.

What Somalia needs is not another manufactured consensus among mandate-expired leaders. It needs a genuine national dialogue rooted in the spirit and letter of the Provisional Federal Constitution. It needs leaders who believe that power flows from the people—not from backroom deals in Villa Somalia. It needs an electoral model agreed upon by all stakeholders, a demilitarized and independent electoral commission, and a judiciary that operates free from executive pressure.

The Somali people deserve more than empty summits, hollow speeches, and unlawful amendments. They deserve justice, opportunity, and constitutional order. They deserve to be heard—not herded.

We call on President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to immediately halt his centralization campaign, reverse the unconstitutional amendments, and re-engage all Federal Member States on equal terms. The exclusion of Puntland, the alienation of Jubaland, and the co-opting of vulnerable regions like SSC will not yield stability—it will only accelerate fragmentation. The youth, the displaced, the disillusioned—they are the soul of Somalia. They must no longer be collateral damage in a game of elite power retention. The time for political gamesmanship has passed. The future of Somalia hangs in the balance.

Abdullahi Ahmed Nor
Email: abdulahinor231@gmail.com