By Sayid Mohamed A. Hassan

Introduction

The ongoing threats to Somali democracy and federal order are complex and multiple. They range from unconstitutional executive power-grab, resurging insurgency, communal violence and deadly Federal-State tussles. With only 6 months left till the expiration in May 2026 of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s tumultuous second term in office, Somalia is mired in a political quagmire and constitutional deadlock stemming from the Villa Somalia – orchestrated unilateralist, Presidential decrees threatening to unravel the nation’s nascent democracy.

To avert total collapse, concerned stakeholders must fight to defend Somalia’s painstaking democratic gains and demand a swift end to the unilateralist agenda tearing the country apart.

Democratic Theory

Considered the most preeminent democratic theorist of our time, the late American Political Scientist, Dr. Robert Dahl, extensively delved into the concept of democracy, highlighting its nature, values and dynamics within a democratic, pluralist society. “In the liberal democratic camp there is considerable controversy about exactly how to define democracy. Probably the most influential voice among contemporary political scientists in this debate has been that of Robert Dahl” noted Marc Plattner, a New York Times columnist.

In his seminal book, On Democracy, Dahl postulated that democracy produces desirable outcomes such as “avoidance of tyranny, fundamental rights, freedom, self-determination, human development, political equality, peace-seeking and prosperity[1].”  These elements are compatible with pluralist ideals that underpin the functioning of any given democracy in transition.

Deliberative Democracy

Particularly relevant to the Somali case, is the deliberative democracy theory that emphasizes the role of public deliberation and active citizen participation in the democratic process. Advanced by theorists such as Jurgen Habermas and John Rawls, this theory “argues that legitimate lawmaking comes from diversity of viewpoints that benefit the public good[2].” Basically, this model of democracy gives no room for unilateral decision-making.

The key principles of deliberative democracy include reasoned and respectful dialogue based on consensus-building with the intended goal of seeking a common ground and striking a political compromise acceptable to all parties and stakeholders. Under this model, “actors including the ruling class are open to reconsidering their views and willing to modify their positions to reach a mutually agreeable solution. Fixed or extreme positions are avoided.When implemented well, deliberative democracy can lead to more legitimate, just, and wise decisions supported by an engaged and empowered public[3].”

Deliberative democracy is rooted in a consensus model that allows the pursuit and achievement of democratic consensus in accordance with the principle of power-sharing and consultative cooperation. It is a democratic system that creates consensus by taking into account as broad a range of opinions as possible. Undoubtedly, this model that emphasizes consensus-building in national politics is tailor-made for Somalia.

The Threats Posed by Unilateralism

In recent years, the Somali Federal government has resorted to blatant acts of unilateralism that undermines national cohesion, state-building, constitutionalism and national security, setting back the clock on Somalia’s nascent democracy. It has led to erosion of political legitimacy for it is widely regarded as unjust by the Somali public. It has distracted from the war on Al-Shabab and set Somalia on the path of conflict with communal violence on the rise while Federal-State tension is at all-time high.  

Further, it is undermining international cooperation as Somalia’s international partners and multilateral institutions cannot mutually coordinate their actions with the Somali leadership with Villa Somalia acting unilaterally. Worse still, unilateralism has challenged the existing norms and order and the institutions that underpin it. It has created unconstitutional power dynamics that grants the executive the free-hand to usurp the powers of the legislature and judiciary while rending the independence of the public bureaucracy obsolete.

In Somalia, the exercise of executive unilateral power is incompatible with democracy and rule of law. The doctrine of separation of powers should be applied in preventing the exercise of unilateral executive power as it enshrines the need for checks and balances among the three branches of government. The unchecked executive unilateralism has created an imperial presidency that hinders the quest for political compromise and collaboration.

Imperial Presidency

Through his extensive research work, Kwasi Prempeh, Professor of Law at Seaton Hall University has explored the concept of imperial presidency in the African context stating that “African polities must move beyond the fixation with “strong” leadership and focus instead on building credible and effective institutions at both the national and local levels” adding that if anything, “an imperial presidency magnifies the cost of having an incompetent or bad leader at the helm.”[4]

What Africa and Somalia in particular needs, above all, are “strong, capable states that are built on a foundation of effective, law-governed and functioning institutions and that serve, not lord over, the citizenry.” Presidential leadership, according to Prempeh, cannot substitute for such institutions. Rather, presidential leadership “must support and strengthen, not stymie the institutions of state – the institutions that must endure long after leaders have left[5].”

As former Brazilian President Fernando Henrique Cardoso observed, “Perhaps the best use that statesmen can make of political acumen in moments of transition is precisely that of making their nations less reliant on executive leadership and more dependent on institutions[6].”‘ Somalia’s continued transition to democracy offers an opportunity for precisely that kind of presidential statesmanship.

Read more: Somalia on the Brink: Breaking the Deadlock, Ending Unilateralism and Averting Collapse

Sayid Mohamed A Hassan
Email: Sayidma2026@gmail.com  ­­
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Sayid is a political analyst based in London