By Dr Ahmednur Mohamed Abdi (Uleex)
For over three decades, Somalia has grappled with a political crisis that has often been dictated by external factors and actors rather than by the resilient and resourceful people of Somalia. The influence of certain countries intermingling with Somali politics, as well as that of multilateral organizations, agencies, and foreign consultants, has permeated the governance structures of the country, fostering a disconnect between the political will of the Somali people and the external prescriptions for shaping a new Somalia hidden under development agendas. While many efforts from the countries in Horn of Africa, the Gulf and the international community have been well-intentioned, it is time to acknowledge that Somalia’s future must be determined by Somalis, for Somalis.
As a researcher in Somalia’s politics and governance, I wish to share my personal views and present this article as a wake-up call for our Somali policymakers, while also critiquing our leaders and systems that have allowed the frameworks of foreign agencies and programs to define the contours of our nation-building efforts. True political settlement is rooted in the shared history, culture, and values of our society. When external agencies intervene and, in some cases, lead our political processes, the authenticity of Somali institutions is compromised, accountability is reoriented away from citizens, and true progress is measured in project deliverables rather than meaningful societal shifts.
Having spent considerable time delving into the intricacies of Somali governance, I have witnessed leaders’ complicity in foreign-led agendas and their participation in externally designed frameworks. Thus, I believe it is time to call for a new Somalia by awakening the Somali people, especially the youth, and mobilizing the younger generation to envision hope for our society, we just need to think differently not repeat the cycle of failing again. As a Somali elder once said, “Waayeel Jiraa’ ba – waa Innagee Leebka iyo Qaansada Dhiga,” meaning there is no one else coming to fix our country; only when we do our part will our existence make sense to others.
We have leaned too heavily on external templates instead of harnessing our traditional mechanisms and indigenous knowledge. We cannot continue to accept a political framework that is diagnosed, narrated, and refereed by outsiders; this perpetuates a state of dependency that hinders our sovereignty and hampers authentic representation of our needs and aspirations.
The question that repeatedly occupies my mind is: Given the complex geopolitics and weak institutions we have, will we ever truly own our political agendas? Can Somalis alone shape the future of the nation, or will globally competing actors and regionally manufactured approaches occupy us for good? Is there hope for our people to awaken one day? What are the risks of our Federal Member States being annexed by neighboring countries? In today’s world, especially in Africa, there remains an uncomfortable resemblance to the colonial era, where external observers dissect societies like Somalia without fully understanding or engaging with the realities on the ground. Many foreign analysts inadvertently perpetuate this cycle by oversimplifying our cultural dynamics and offering solutions that often overlook the complexities of our context.
Critically, the political dialogues we have engaged in over the years, such as the Embagathi, Eldoret, Soothari, and Arta conferences, raise questions about the extent of genuine Somali ownership in these processes. I had the opportunity to visit Rwanda recently, and although it is a very different country with a different nature of conflict and solutions, it remains an African example that has successfully navigated its own cycle of conflict and reconstruction. From such experiences, I am convinced that we must take ownership of our political destiny without resorting to uncritical replication of foreign models.
Embracing a uniquely Somali path to governance requires several structural shifts, particularly in the context of our federalism, which can be both a potential lifesaver for inclusivity and a source of contention. I agree with the argument that Somalia is struggling to find great leaders, and perhaps a generation of leaders, and I hope the recently established National Leadership Academy in Somalia will be a significant step in that direction. Rather than merely narrating the challenges of the already hijacked politics of Somalia, let me propose few guiding principles that could enhance our journey toward reclaiming our political agendas and governance:
1) Invest in Homegrown Expertise: We must stop outsourcing our political analysis to foreign consultants and invest in Somali scholars, think tanks, and public intellectuals. Building a robust domestic knowledge base will allow us to create informed, contextually relevant frameworks for governance. Over the years, I have observed leaders relying on information from externals but also from the social media, which is often filled with misinformation. Unfortunately, major decisions may be influenced by unverified and poorly researched statements presented by such sources or platforms.
2) Develop a Somali-Driven Reconciliation Process: We have an array of indigenous tools, including Xeer (customary law), Islamic ethics, and local wisdom. A reconciliation agenda rooted in these frameworks can foster inclusivity and collective ownership. Unfortunately, we have yet to conduct a comprehensive, truth-based reconciliation, and this will remain pending until we are structurally and institutionally prepared for it.
3) Emphasize South-South Learning: Our approach to federalism and political settlement should be informed by African nations that have emerged from conflict, rather than by models from outside our realities. Engaging with countries that bear similarities to ours can provide insights without imposing a one-size-fits-all solution.
4) Demand Equal Partnership and Long-Term Investment from International Partners: The international community must move away from short-term project funding cycles that create fragmentation. The approach to support should shift from donorship to partnership, with investment in Somalia focused on sustained, long-term programs. Political processes must not be supported externally instead it should be funded by Somalis, and we must prioritize efforts to build trust among national and subnational leaders.
5) Reclaim Leadership in our Political Processes: Somali leaders must not only facilitate political dialogues but also take responsibility for driving these processes. A humble acknowledgment of past shortcomings can foster a culture of accountability and self-reflection, which is critical to true governance.
In conclusion, Somalia is at a crucial moment in its post-conflict stage. We are over a generation removed from the precipice of state collapse, yet we remain ensnared in externally managed political choreography that fails to produce lasting solutions. True political stability cannot emerge while our governance processes are viewed through the lens of external interests. This is not a rejection of international support but rather a call to preserve the integrity and authenticity of Somali political processes. If such a call is not heeded by our leaders, it is likely the public will eventually take this matter into their own hands, leading to another cycle of uncharted territory for Somalia.
External partners can play an essential support role, but they must not define Somalia’s political trajectory. The need for Somali-led dialogues and solutions is urgent. It is time to reclaim our political destiny with the full weight of our history and aspirations. Let us emerge from these decades long cycles of fragmentation and engage actively in shaping our future, a future that resonates with the values, desires, and agency of the Somali people. The time to act is now.
Dr Ahmednur Mohamed Abdi (Uleex)
Email: ahmednuur1@gmail.com
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Uleex is a researcher in State Building, Politics, Good Governance, and Regional Integration.