Keys to Somalis Balancing the Nation with the State and Society

Dr. Abdulkadir Osman Farah

Traditionally, Somalis say “Seddax lalama saaxiibo: nin aan rabi aqoon, nin aan run aqoon iyo nin aanan rag aqoon” (Avoid friendship with three specific persons: a man with no belief, a man who does not know truth, and a man who does not know manhood). From among such cultural grounding, Somalis have organized—and largely continue to do so—through culture, and genealogical networks, rather than through a modern state apparatus largely borrowed from Europe. During the colonial era, and even after independence, Somalis experimented with models of the nation-state (derived from political transformations of around the 17th-century Europe). “Amaano kugu raagtay in aad leedahay baad mooddaa” (If you keep something, not belonging to you, long enough, you might eventually consider it as yours).

That system did not fully function or fit the Somali socio-political reality. This has prompted ideologically framed narratives of persistent Somali failure in state-building. “Been fakatay run ma gaarto” (Truth struggles catching up/exposing fugitive lies). Yet informally, Somalis maintain own perceptions and practical forms of nation, state and society, based on community cooperation, relational governance and (Xeer)social contracts beyond the externally imposed models.

The questions of Somali nationhood and statehood therefore remain complex and uncertain. In general, state and society formation is a continuing unfinished project/process for all societies “Adduun howli kama dhammato” (Endless world laboring and complexity). Somalis are particularly in this regard continuously laboring/searching keys to unlock the balancing of the nation, with the state and society—especially now as the Somali nation no longer confine to the geographical limits of the Somali Peninsula- but scattered across and around the world. The task herewith includes “Sidee xeego lagu xagtaa, ilkona ku badbaadaan.” How can Somalis wisely navigate and contribute to a balanced world for themselves and with others-if possible- without major troubles and suffering.

Ownership of the state and society

In recent times, especially in the global media, a critical narrative circulated suggesting a “Somali failure” in the process of nation- and state-formation. This approach partially rests on the equation of the nation and the state with the ownership of powerful individuals or constituents. Such perception not just limit to laypeople but also prevails among prominent scholars. For instance, Prof. Ahmed Ismail Samatar had in numerous occasions proposed the existence of two major Somali constituencies dominating, and occasionally capturing, both national and state structures. Privileged constituents that in the process prevent other communities from fully participating in the national process. The Professor describes such unbalanced and unfair system as a “duopoly.” A term borrowed from economic terminology, specifically explaining when two major companies exclude other competitors in entering and sharing the market on an equal basis. Evidence, however, shows that decades of conflict, so far, produced neither constituent hegemons nor winners. Meaning that no community benefitted from the avoidable nationwide suffering that most Somalis experienced.

However, research documents that Somali nationhood, statehood, and peoplehood precede and remain wider than individual powerholders, specific constituents, or even colonial impositions. Somalis often root their identity and collective engagement in religion, culture, and language, suggesting that their nationhood could not be fully restricted to constituents, regions or even states.

According to Prof. Saalax Xaashi Carab (aun), a nation is “people joining together, with a constitution, managing their affairs, living in a particular geographical territory with recognized boundaries, where they are governed collectively.” He defines a state as “the highest body of governance of that nation and its leadership.” Meanwhile, “qowmiyad (nation)” refers to “people who share a recognizable birth-right and cultural heritage that differentiates them from other nations.” This is the modern understanding of what a nation, state and a country is.

Prof. Maxamed Ibraahim Hadraawi (aun) adds:

“Dad waa kuwii dal ku filan leh, dal milgo iyo maamuus lagu dhex joogo ‑‑ oo dadkiisu nabad iyo nolol fayow ku heystaan. Dad iyo dal waa labo is buuxiya, oo mid walba ka kale macno ku leeyahay. Waa labo is hanta oo isku heellan, waa labo isku nool oo dayaca iska ilaaliya. Dadka, dalka ayaa wax ka dhiga, dalkana dadka ayaa wax ka dhiga, dowladi waa dan guud, waxay mideysaa dalka iyo dadka.”

(People are those who have sufficient land, a land in which people uphold dignity and respect — and people who enjoy peace and good life. People and their land complement each other, each having meaning for the other. They are two treasures in union, living together in protecting each other. The people make the land, and the land makes the people, and the state and the government focus on public good, while uniting the land and the people.)

The “downloaded” Nation-state model

In ancient times, before the colonial intrusion, Somalis organized into interconnected entities in which nationhood and statehood were interlinked and evolved together. Their livelihood -foundation rested on religion, culture, nature, and the environment. Then colonial incursions and imposed structures separated elements that had organically belonged together-making nation, state, and the constituent parts of the society into competing or conflicting entities: Divide and Rule.

As a result, publications, public debates, and global imagery suggest that Somalis may have failed—or continue to struggle—to become a nation and state in the way other societies have done. Somalis are often portrayed as a people made up of fragmented, conflictual parts. Some reports even present Somalis as a threat to global security and development. Many of these narratives, however, are disseminated by states and societies that previously colonized or had vested interests in controlling Somalis (Africans) and their lands.

Indeed, around the world, many societies have- willingly or unwillingly- accepted “downloaded” forms of nation- and state-formation—mainly inherited from European state and society models. Some societies combine the downloaded model with their own traditions and conditions. China, India, Turkey, the Arabian Gulf, Japan, Korea, and Latin Americas seek maintaining ancient traditions of their societies, while accepting elements of modernization.

In addition, such theories and approaches labelling Somalis as a risky or a failing society often rely on restricted mathematical models and methodologies-failing to highlight alternative approaches to nationhood and statehood. For example, if measuring nationhood in Somali society focused on genealogical resilience, religiosity, hospitality, or collective mutual support during crisis, analysis and reports might have drawn different conclusions.

People today still tend to measure nation, society and statehood using European prescriptions and ideologies. Paradoxically Europe itself is moving away from the earlier created society and nation-state models. An example is the formation of the European Union (EU), a system created by Europeans to bring nations, societies, and states together. In the past three decades, Europeans have been removing internal boundaries among nations, societies, and states, enabling free mobility of people, employees, companies, and goods, while equally sharing power and governance of the continent.

So, it is therefore also a paradox when Somalis, or other Africans, seek to adopt a form of nationhood or statehood that those who first introduced the idea now consider it insufficient for the participation and contribution to today’s more complex and globalized world. Over 400 million Europeans are now telling the world they form “one nation” (the EU), despite coming from distinct societies and national states. The Europeans promise that they will act collectively and seek recognition and assert themselves as a united Europe, politically and economically, serving their continent and humanity to prosper. The Europeans have in this regard been moving beyond historic nation-state boundaries and existing grievances and animosities among Europeans.

Dr. Abdulkadir Osman Farah
Email: osmanfaraha@gmail.com
———
Dr. Abdulkadir is a Visiting Research Professor at Somali National University and associate of Urban Sanctuary, Migrant Solidarity and Hospitality in Global Perspective with Aalborg and Ryerson Universities. Dr. Farah is also currently associate researcher of Tswane University of Technology, Pretoria, South Africa.