By Prof. AliNur Mohamed
Introduction
In the post-colonial era, Somalia has been counted as one of the rarest nation-states in sub-Saharan Africa, ostensibly for her unique “cultural and ethnic homogeneity”. By and large, Somalis speak the same language, are almost 100% Muslim, and with urbanization over the last century, have witnessed the expansion of the age-old practice of exogamy (inter-clan and inter-regional unions through marriage and family ties).
But talk of any advantages of “cultural homogeneity” for purposes of erecting the pillars of statehood have been belied by Somalia’s long history of internecine violence and prolonged civil wars.
From a macro-sociological perspective, Somalis may appear homogeneous ethnically, but they are not in a real cultural sense. Somali society has long been structured along clear socio-economic divides that have separately shaped the social and cultural evolution of each of its component groups. Sedentary segments of the population include farmers who cultivate the land mainly along the two rivers; fishermen who live in fishing settlements dotting the southern coastline; craftsmen in villages and small hinterland towns, and urban dwellers inhabiting centuries-old towns generally along the coastal areas. Because of strong communal bonds that tie members of these groups closer together, they developed unwritten laws of peaceful co-existence that governed all aspects of human interaction – from marriage protocols, to business transactions, to mediation of personal disputes.
Meanwhile, the bulk of the Somali population – invariably estimated at 65-70 percent — has led a nomadic lifestyle since times immemorial. These are pastoralists that move around frequently with their livestock in search of pasture and water. Their culture had very little in common with that of sedentary Somali communities. The extent of this difference was captured in the perceptions of foreign travelers to the Somali coast, such as the 19th century English explorer, Sir Richard Burton, who, in his book, First Footsteps in East Africa (London: Tylston, 1894) observed that nomadic Somalis “were a fierce and turbulent race.” He highlighted their “warrior culture… and strong resistance to outside control”.
Burton was struck also by how the “strong tribal loyalty” of nomadic Somalis constituted their primary source of personal and group identity.
Frequent skirmishes around watering holes between neighboring nomadic clans often escalate into full-blown battles in which lives are lost and the victors lay claim to the livestock of the vanquished as a matter of course. Thus, the tough circumstances of their pastoral lifestyles likely dictated both the belligerent character of nomadic Somali society, as well as their reliance on clan lineage as a main source of identity and security.
The psychological effects over many generations of life punctuated by recurring armed hostilities, was made more pronounced by belligerent narratives of an oral society. These narratives are generated through various literary genres of the nomad. Students of Somali folklore and culture note the prevalence of “fighting words” aimed at “enemy clans” in the poetry, traditional songs, and dance chants of nomad clansmen. Said Sheikh Samatar, for example, in a 1986 essay, explained the power of the “godob institution” among nomads. He said that a case of godob is produced whenever literary mechanisms are used to “violate, wound, or slander” the honor of a rival clan. Grievances arising from such affronts to a group’s honor can quickly lead to the outbreak of “violent hostilities” between clans.
This essay, therefore, advances the thesis that two distinct legacies of Somalia’s nomadic tradition have spelled doom for Somali statehood: (1) The “warrior culture” of the nomad bequeathed to the Somali state a political orientation defined by belligerence and militarism; and (2) the nomadic system of strong clan identification produced progressively more vigorous clan rivalries, this time promulgated through state power. The main effect of this has been to preclude the emergence of a broadly-shared sense of a common Somali identity necessary for building effective institutions of state. Inevitably, this combination of factors facilitated the ready collapse of the Somali state — a state whose post-independence civilian and military administrations were derelict in their collective failure to prioritize establishment of strong economic, social, and political institutions that could help bind the various socio-economic groups in Somali society closer together into a viable nation-state.
Militarism and the Somali state: The main impediment to social and economic development
After independence on July 1, 1960, Somalia was immediately classified as one of the poorest countries in the world. The country had no economic infrastructure to speak of; and the vast majority of the population lived with heightened risks for food insecurity and an acute shortage of clean drinking water. In her first full year of independence in 1961, U.N. data show that Somalia had a negative GDP growth rate of -3.26%!
Throughout the first decade of independence, Somalia remained at the bottom of all indices of social and economic development. Healthcare services for all segments of the population were woefully inadequate – leading to very high infant mortality rates in all parts of the country. Education was not available to the vast majority of children. And housing in major urban centers was beyond reach for most people – forcing large families with children into crowded one-room rental units.
Against this backdrop, it’s noteworthy that Somalia’s political leadership at independence hailed almost entirely from her dominant nomadic tradition. This represented a fateful confluence of circumstances as the country sought to chart the path forward during its crucial formative years as a newly independent nation. The cultural orientation of the leaders necessarily informed their decisions in important national affairs — with grave domestic and foreign policy implications for the country’s future.
Prof AliNur Mohamed
Email: calinuurm2044@gmail.com
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AliNur is Professor Emeritus of Journalism and Mass Media Studies. He previously served as Chair of the Department of Media and Creative Industries at the United Arab Emirates University in Al Ain, and has taught at Penn West University (Edinboro, Pennsylvania) and Grambling State University in Louisiana.