Federal Ignorance or Power Grab: Puntland Authority and Autonomy  

Federal Ignorance or Power Grab: Puntland Authority and Autonomy  

By Abdiqani Haji Abdi

In what is fast becoming a defining constitutional standoff, Puntland has fired back with force and conviction after the Federal Government of Somalia, through its Ministry of Interior headed by Min. Hosh, accused the FM state of violating national laws by launching its own identity agency.

The ministry’s April 21st statement labeled Puntland’s newly established Puntland Identity Agency (PID) a “national violation” and claimed the move undermines Somalia’s statehood and legal order. But what might have been intended as a bold assertion of authority has instead revealed something more troubling: a federal government that seems confused, if not willfully ignorant, about the basic principles of federalism.

“This is not just about ID cards,” said Puntland’s Minister of Interior, Abdi farah Saciid (Juxa), during a press conference in Garowe. “This is about autonomy, dignity, and the rule of law under a federal system. Puntland is acting well within its rights.”

At the heart of the conflict lies a dangerous misconception: the belief by federal authorities in Mogadishu that the issuance of identity cards and civil documentation is their exclusive mandate. In reality, in any functioning federal state across the globe, such authority is the rightful domain of the individual states or regions—not the central government.

Federalism Misunderstood

From the United States to Germany, from Canada to India, federal countries are defined by a clear separation of powers between the central government and the constituent states. In each of these nations, regional governments issue their own IDs, driver’s licenses, and vehicle registration plates. The only document strictly reserved for the federal government is the passport.

“In the U.S., the federal government doesn’t give you your ID or driver’s license—your state does,” explains a Somali constitutional scholar who participated in the 2012 Provisional Federal Constitution drafting process. “Whether you’re in Texas or New York, it’s your state that decides how your identity is recorded and managed. Somalia is no different—at least, not on paper.”

Indeed, Somalia’s Provisional Federal Constitution, while imperfect and incomplete, clearly outlines the autonomous functions of the Federal Member States (FMS). Yet, over the years, the federal government in Mogadishu has increasingly acted in contradiction to this framework, attempting to centralize control and erode regional autonomy—often under the cover of “national unity” or donor-funded projects.

NIRA, the National Identification and Registration Authority, was created without formal input from most Federal Member States and is largely driven by external funding and contractors. Puntland rejected it from the beginning, viewing it as an instrument of political control rather than national development.

The Public Pulse: Dignity and Distrust

In Garowe, the mood is defiant but principled. Ordinary citizens interviewed by WDN expressed support for the Puntland government’s stance, saying they feel increasingly excluded and disrespected by Mogadishu’s leadership.

“Why should my child’s future be decided by a government that doesn’t even consult us?” asked Fadumo Ismail, a mother of three. “We trust our local institutions. We know who works for us and who doesn’t. Let Mogadishu fix its own mess first.”

Such sentiments aren’t just emotional—they are grounded in years of political marginalization, repeated breaches of trust, and a growing perception that Villa Somalia is out of touch with the realities of federal governance. Many Puntlanders view the current administration under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Prime Minister Hamsa Abdi Barre as aggressively centralist, pushing policies that benefit Mogadishu while sidelining the regions.

“They see decentralization as a threat, not a strength,” said Puntland’s Minister of Information, Mohamud Dirir. “But federalism isn’t optional—it’s the only path Somalia has chosen that keeps this fragile union alive.”

He added: “Mogadishu is hiding behind its barricades and forgetting the country it claims to represent. Meanwhile, Puntland is doing the hard work of governing.”

Identity as a Weapon?

The controversy over ID cards may seem minor to outsiders—but in Somalia, where identity and belonging are deeply political, it is far more than just paperwork. National identity systems can be weaponized—used to exclude, punish, or reward. This is why Puntland insists on owning and safeguarding its data and issuing its own credentials.

“Villa Somalia’s plan is simple,” one Puntland official told WDN privately. “Control identity, control elections, control the narrative.”

Already, the federal government’s insistence on monopolizing identity registration has led to public concern about data privacy, political manipulation, and discriminatory practices in future voter registration and aid distribution.

A Dangerous Precedent

What makes this latest move by the federal government even more concerning is the precedent it threatens to set. If Mogadishu succeeds in overriding Puntland’s constitutional right to issue IDs, what stops it from attempting to control other regional powers—education systems, police forces, judicial appointments?

“The problem isn’t Puntland breaking the law,” a former constitutional advisor in Nairobi told WDN. “The problem is Mogadishu rewriting the law without consensus.”

Legal experts warn that if the federal government continues on this path, it risks unraveling what little cohesion remains in the Somali federation.  Jubaland, like other Federal Member States, has grappled with persistent federal overreach. There is growing concern that Mogadishu’s centralization drive—disguised as modernization—risks widening the nation’s deep political fractures instead of mending them.

A Call for Maturity

Ultimately, Puntland’s stand is not a rejection of national unity—it is a call for federal maturity. Federalism is not a slogan. It’s a structured system of governance that depends on mutual respect, clear roles, and shared responsibilities.

“You cannot demand loyalty from states while denying them agency,” said Minister Abdifatah. “You cannot preach federalism while practicing authoritarianism.”

As the dust settles, one truth remains: Somalia’s future depends not on who controls ID cards, but on whether its leaders are willing to honor the federal contract they claim to uphold.

For Puntland, that future is clear—it lies in the hands of its people, its constitution, and its right to define itself within the union, not beneath it.

Federalism in Practice – Lessons from Around the World

 U.S. Constitution – 10th Amendment
“The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”

This amendment is a cornerstone of American federalism. It affirms that powers not explicitly granted to the federal government—including civil identification and registration—belong to the states. That’s why each state handles its own identity cards, driver’s licenses, and vehicle registrations. The federal government only handles passports.

Identity Services in Federal Systems

United States:
Each of the 50 states issues its own driver’s license, ID card, and license plate. There is no federal ID. The federal role is limited to issuing passports.

India:
Though the Aadhaar system is managed nationally, state governments handle their own ID services, including driver’s licenses and vehicle registrations. States maintain independent administrative identities within the union.

Germany:
Germany’s 16 federal states (Länder) manage civil registrations, including the issuance and processing of ID cards. Federal law governs ID types, but states oversee the process and citizen interface.

Australia:
Australian states and territories administer their own driver’s licenses and civil identification systems. There is no federal ID card; states are the primary authority for identity verification and registration services.

Somalia’s Provisional Constitution (2012)

Article 50: The Principles of Federalism
Somalia’s federal model is based on the principles of power-sharing, mutual respect, and peaceful coexistence. This includes a decentralization of functions—like identity registration—that must be implemented at the level of the Federal Member States (FMS). Any unilateral attempt by the central government to monopolize identity services contradicts the Constitution’s spirit and letter.

Bottom Line:

In functioning federal states across the world, constituent regions or states manage identity-related services such as ID cards, driver’s licenses, and vehicle registration. The federal role is limited to national-level functions like issuing passports. Somalia must follow this international standard if it truly seeks to operate as a federal republic and avoid drifting into unconstitutional centralization.

Abdiqani Haji Abdi
Email: Hajiabdi0128@gmail.com

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