By Abdulkadir Mohamed Osman

Fahad Yasin, a prominent figure in President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed’s administration, held influential roles as Chief of Staff and Head of Intelligence. His immense influence within the government earned him the nickname “Milkeeleh Villa Somalia,” meaning the de facto owner of the government. Fahad’s central role in decision-making and his proximity to the president solidified his reputation as one of the most powerful figures in Somali politics during the Farmajo administration.

However, his tenure remains highly controversial. Many critics attribute the failures, oppression, and widespread maladministration of President Farmajo’s government to Fahad’s influence. Allegations of political manipulation, the suppression of dissent, and the undermining of democratic institutions have been frequently linked to his leadership. Fahad’s alleged role in consolidating power, marginalizing opposition voices, and contributing to the erosion of good governance continues to fuel public debate on his legacy in Somali politics.

The last time Fahad Yasin was seen in Mogadishu, he was fleeing in haste, not even staying for the official handover of power after President Farmajo’s term ended. He sought refuge in Turkey, from where he orchestrated media attacks against Somalia’s new leadership, through statements and video interviews. His departure came as he faced legal proceedings over a grave crime, he allegedly committed which was the disappearance and murder of Ikran Tahlil, a Somali civil servant who was serving her country. That case is still pending in Somalia’s courts. Fahad, who once wielded immense power as the head of intelligence, lost his parliamentary seat, depriving him of immunity that could have shielded him from prosecution.

 After lying low in Turkeye and Qatar, Fahad has now re-emerged, seemingly testing the waters to gauge whether he has been forgotten or not, possibly regaining confidence. Since his public fallout with former President Farmajo, many 2026 presidential candidates visited him in Turkey with the hope of convincing him to support them with the Qatari money, as he did in the last two presidential elections. This seems to have convinced himself that the Somali people must have forgotten his past, since their elites are courting his favor.

Part of his comeback strategy involved an interview with a Somali media where the questions appeared pre-arranged between him and the journalist, aiming at rebuilding his image, as a religious, moral, and patriotic figure among Somalis. He also participated in a high-profile event, promoting a book which he authored about the ” Sooyaalka Suubanaha” – History-journey of the Prophet (PBUH), knowing that spreading the Prophet’s journey may earn him goodwill among the people.

These are all parts of calculated moves aimed at restoring his image and regaining public favor. However, the most astonishing, shocking and infuriating spectacle was to hear Fahad Yasin lecturing Somalis about good governance, statehood, and patriotism—topics that, given his track record, render his words not only hollow, but deeply ironic.

Is this not the same Fahad Yasin?

I asked myself—is this really the same Fahad Yasin who was once described as the most powerful figure in Farmajo’s administration, the one who made the final disastrous decisions? The same man behind the Ma’ida Hotel massacre, which targeted two former Somali presidents and killed 11 of their security personnel—an attack that could have plunged the country back into civil war, further weakening the fragile Somali state that has struggled for so long!

Is this the same Fahad Yasin who orchestrated the raid on the home of Abdirahman Abdi Shakur Warsame, where his bodyguards were brutally executed, and their bodies dumped in secret unmarked mass graves, that are still missing to this day? The same Fahad Yasin who also attacked the home of Senator Abdi Hasan Awale Qeybdid—an attack Allah thwarted, even though the plan was to eliminate him!                     

Is this not the same Fahad Yasin who plotted to deplete the fuel of a plane carrying former presidents, hoping it would crash and kill them all—a scheme that could have plunged Somalia into civil war, mirroring Rwanda’s history of chaos triggered by the downing of resident Habyarimana’s private Falcon 50 jet on 6 April 1994 near Kigali International Airport, killing Habyarimana. Cyprien Ntaryamira, the President of Burundi, the Chief of Staff of the Rwandan military, and numerous others who also died in the attack, plunging Rwanda into the Hutu-Tuti genocide?

Is this the same Fahad Yasin who enforced the illegitimate term extension of president Farmajo’s government, orchestrated attacks on opposition figures, and nearly dragged the capital into civil war, costing many lives and immense property destructions?

Is this not the same Fahad Yasin who oversaw the torture of countless innocent people in Godka Jila’ow and other detention sites? Where many died, some were found in ditches and other on beaches, while many survivors emerged disabled, sharing horrors with the media?

Is this not the same man who blockaded almost every important road in Mogadishu forcing families to carry their dead loved ones on their shoulders in the streets of Mogadishu till the grave sites?

Is this not the same Fahad Yasin who allegedly collaborated with Al-Shabab, eliminating anyone who opposed him? From MP Aamina Mohamed Abdi, who exposed the Ikran Tahlil case and cultivated a lot of media attention for the case, before being silenced with a suicide bomber. To the directors of Radio Mogadishu (Abdiaziz Afrik) and Somali National TV (Sharmarke), and even the spokesman of former PM Roble (MP. Moallimo)—all were targeted after Farmajo and Roble’s fallout since they were all the prime minister’s camp.

Is this not the same Fahad Yasin who forced regional leaders to reject even food and water not prepared by themselves while in Mogadishu, fearing poisoning? A policy so extreme that Puntland’s leader Said Abdullahi Deni publicly mocked, after the botched plot to assassinate Jubbaland’s leader, Ahmed Madobe, through poison.

 A man like this—already exposed, and known—should not dare speak to us about governance, patriotism, or rule of law. Any politician who dreams of one day holding highest office in Somalia should flee from him, lest they end up as pitiful laughingstocks. I know exactly where Fahad’s sudden boldness comes from, he still believes Somalis have short memories—and that Qatar’s money will buy his redemption. A warlords in suits and their foreign backers will no longer find safe havens in the Somalia ever again.

Conclusion

The real question is whether Fahad Yasin’s attempt to reinvent or rebrand himself will succeed. He seems determined to maneuver his way back into power, working behind the scenes to shape Somalia’s political landscape once again. However, will the Somali people allow history to repeat itself? Will they accept a man who believes that Qatar’s money can buy influence, bribe key figures, and silence those who refuse to comply—even through violence and terror?

Only time will tell if Somalis will stand as an awakened, conscious nation that rejects such tactics or if they will once again fall victim to the same manipulative strategies that have plagued their country.

Abdulkadir Mohamed Osman (Abdiboqor)
Email: abdulkadirphd@hotmail.com

Minnesota-USA