By Abdulkadir Osman Farah, PhD
Ali Jimale Ahmed considers the Somali society unsettled due to a departure from its traditional roots. Tradition that historically served as protection against colonial influence and preserved its organic cultural identity[i]. Such society rested on decentralized/localized consultations and consensus in which leaders delegated decisions by sharing tasks and authority. In seeking rapid socio-political change, the society partially abandoned traditional structures without fully achieving the imposed modernity. A modernity that replaced the traditional horizontal community coordination and collaboration with centralized hierarchical bureaucratic decision-making structures.
Mohamed A. Eno builds on this thesis by proposing that, among others, particularly socially influential groups, including political leaders and scholars, have yet to properly guide the society towards a genuine homegrown transition/transformation[ii]. Despite their continuing active engagement, the privileged groups have yet to imagine and create effective frameworks and ideas directing societal empowerment and progress. Such failure not only led to recurring developmental decline but also a loss of cultural identity and self-definition, leaving the Somali society to the restructuring and reframing of external narratives. What Ali Jimale refers to as a process of “transformative deficit” Mohamed Eno explains it as a “horizontal Aberration.”
Whose descension matters most?
Once, a revered scholar returning from one of his lectures to students suddenly saw a young boy carelessly hanging from a wall. The scholar worryingly stopped and cautioned the boy to be careful not to fall from such height and risk damaging himself. Laughing, the boy responded, “If I fall, I only hurt myself, but if you fall it will be much more serious.” Astonished by the child’s quick wisdom, the scholar proceeded with his route.
This episode reveals the significance of measuring human actions in levels and stations. Attributes that lead to different consequences, depending on the position, the state and the conditions of the actors involved. A young boy’s fall obviously matters. Though vibrant and energetic, such youngsters overtime potentially recover. The elderly might not be so fortunate. Similarly, the mistakes of the youth and the inexperienced might not damage the society deeply. In contrast, the disgraceful falling of the charisma of the more enlightened and politically powerful leads to chaos and devastation.
People usually respect and look up to the scholar, the powerful leader, the politician, or the wealthy person. Therefore, any eventual decline of such privileged people brings larger serious consequences for the society, compared to the routine sidestepping of ordinary people. For instance, people with greater obligations and responsibilities often display charisma and power, shaping and impacting the trajectories of shared communities and constituencies. Their actions represent models of learning and imitating. If such respected individuals regressively fail people, subsequently trust in them declines. Such deterioration then confuses people to instantly seek alternative role models risking further uncertainties and bewilderment.
Cosmopolitans: rooted in culture and tradition
Social respect, trust and recognition remain the glue connecting diverging individuals and groups in any society aiming to be cohesive and successful. Alternatively, people might often maintain unnecessary and avoidable polarizations. Particularly the sustaining of divisions and rivalries among privileged elites impacts society disastrously. In the current more digitalized and globalized world, societies seem internally and externally fragmented. This is to do with the lack of sincere communication, dialogue, and trust. Paradoxically this happens in an era when humanity instantly and intensively interacts across and through diverse advanced technologies. The Somali elites (scholars, politicians, traditional leaders, business entrepreneurs) remain increasingly, and in most times, unnecessarily polarized/fragmented.
However, exceptions exist. Professor Mohamed A. Eno (Rector of South-West University of Somalia) recently dedicated his latest book “Horizontal Aberration” in consideration and recognition of the distinguished Professor Ali Jimale Ahmed. Professor Eno honors Professor Ali for “his inspiration and compassion in thought and guidance.” In return, Professor Ali recognizes Professor Eno as a scholar with “intellectual and artistic prowess … that compels the reader to grapple seriously with both the concepts it embodies and the new critical vocabulary… to de-fetishize the obfuscations still extant in old narratives that imprison us.” Both Professors belong to Somali transnational elites (scholars) who in certain extent attempt to live up to their people’s expectations. For instance, in teaching, researching, and disseminating scholarly work within the Somali society and beyond[iii]. This has to do with that the two scholars belonging to a privileged Somali generation called “the independence generation.” These are generations of Somalis educated and entered in active social and cultural life during following Somalia’s independence from aggressive colonialism. Urbanized, cosmopolitan and enlightened generation that from childhood interacted/socialized with people from rural environments, peasants, urban dwellers, and foreigners without the existence of serious destructive cleavages and prejudice in the society. Cosmopolitan here means not the superficial act of travelling the world aimlessly while testing and enjoying exotic cuisines. It signifies being an insightful person with a deep knowledge of one’s culture as well as that of other societies.
These are generations that grew up with relative Somali confidence and alerted socio-political consciousness. A much more mobilized generations that not only contributed to the shaping and influencing of social and political processes within Somalia but also developments throughout Africa and the world. From 1960s onwards the Somali society contributed to the struggles and liberations of African countries. An era of higher ambition and vision often characterized with “Somaaliya Soomaali baa leh”. A period in which most Somalis (despite existing certain authoritarianism and power abuse) believed they own their country and can manage and advance their society. Under such conditions, the conception, and the thinking of “Soomaali baan ahay sanku neefle ma ogoli in uu iga sarreyn karo” prevailed.

In contrast, the earlier generations struggled to achieve the privileges “the independence generation” later enjoyed. The elder generations resisted colonial powers, but as a youth accessed no national sovereign rights. By not growing up in an independent self-determining Somali society, elder generations comparatively remained less educated and less cosmopolitan. They also carried the trauma of experiencing direct colonial subordination and humiliation. Among them was the first president of independent Somalia, Aden Abdulle Osman. The President directly suffered from a blatant colonial aggression and segregation often experienced by pre-independent Somalis:
“[President Aden Abdulle Osman- as a young man…] went to Mogadishu for a three-day holiday, sometime in 1939, and on his return journey encountered the ugly face of fascism. He went to the Mogadishu bus station to catch a ride back to Shalambot on the Italian-managed bus line Compagnia Italiana Trasporti Africa Orientale (CITAO). When it was time to purchase the ticket, he and other Somalis were told to wait until all white passengers were served. Seating in these buses was segregated into two compartments, white and nonwhite. If the whites-only compartment was full and one more Italian showed up at the last minute, then all Somalis had to vacate their seats. On this day Osman and a few other Somalis were able to purchase their tickets after a long wait. The trip took several hours, and Osman rang the stop bell as the bus approached the native village just about half a mile from the Italian settlement. The driver did not heed the request.
Osman was annoyed by the lack of consideration, particularly since the few Somalis on the bus had luggage to carry. As he got off the bus Osman politely asked the driver why he did not honor his request to stop at the native village. The driver, Rossi, became incensed at the audacity of this native to question him. Rossi shouted at Osman and told him that he should never dare ask such a question. He repeatedly yelled, “Do you understand?” Osman retorted, “I understand, and that means I will never travel on CITAO buses.” Osman took his luggage and set off toward town, but the driver ran after him hurling profanities and threatening to smash his face… At that point four white men came from a nearby restaurant and took Osman and another Somali, Hassan Lughay, by the shoulder and dragged them off to the restaurant. In the process Osman lost his luggage, which was mostly books. The two Somalis were taken from the restaurant and bused to a roadblock, where white vigilantes ordered them into a cell”[iv]
Similarly, the degrading treatment of British colonizers against the second Somali Prime Minister, Abdirizak Hajji Hussein, as a young man, was the same- if not worse:
“Enraged by Fitzpatrick’s [rude British colonial officer] arrogance and Ardon’s [another colonial worker] submission to such ignominy, Hussein decided to challenge Fitzpatrick’s authority. Early the next day, Hussein delivered his reports to Fitzpatrick, whose desk was on a platform since the room doubled as a court. Fitzpatrick noticed that Hussen did not take his shoes off and scolded him for disobeying the edict. Hussein retorted that this diktat was capricious and not sanctioned by the government. Hussen’s attitude infuriated Fitzpatrick, who came down from his platform and punched Hussein in the abdomen [caloosha]. Hussen fought back, and the two men wrestled. Fitzpatrick was much stronger than the skinny Hussen but could not pin him down. He called for Ardon’s help. Fitzpatrick instructed Ardon to take “the boy” to the local prison. Hussein was registered in the police occurrence book and locked in a prison cell.”[v]
Thanks to the suffering and the struggles went through by pre-independence Somali generations like President Aden Abdulle Osman and Abdirizak Hajji Hussein and others that “the independence generation” could become socio-politically elevated as well as becoming educated privileged cosmopolitan elites with solid roots on culture and tradition.
Neglecting guardianship
Professor Eno’s latest work“Horizontal Aberration” covers number of topics and issues about Somalia- also related to the dynamics of human life in general. One main thesis refers to the decline of trust in the political as well as the educated elite. People are increasingly becoming suspicious of these two main important social groups. Such distrustful acts foster political populism and increase public polarization. Somalis repeatedly complain about the political elite and the academic elite failing them in the past decades. Eno reasons such dissatisfaction originates from the process in which politicians lose authenticity- including the fading of charisma and meaningful engagement within and around the society. A process that in the end nourishes shallowness, disconnection, and self-misjudgment[vi].
Similarly, scholars no longer represent a bastion for guardianship in a balanced society. Academia became the staging ground for domination by “Mr. Arrogant Erudite.” Obviously, when knowledge is combined with arrogance, it is no longer beneficial for the society. Such knowledge becomes increasingly professionalized- herewith emphasizing technicalities and manipulation- therefore lacking vision and dignified guiding principles. The intellectual endeavor becomes a theatrical performance disconnected from realities on the ground as well as conditions requiring societal responsibilities. Instead of being trusted guardians of knowledge and agents of empowerment, the scholarly figure “Mr. Arrogant Erudite” uses knowledge as a tool for self-promotion, detached from the needs and wellbeing of society[vii].
Creative impoverishment
Much more serious is, according to Eno, the production of “Nations of beggars.” This is not just an economic and material decline but also a moral and self-determination descending, neglecting the consideration of future possibilities and opportunities. This includes the borrowing of non-adjustable ideas and livelihoods. “Your hand keeps stretching / Endlessly over the years.” The hand that should build prefers taking gifts. A downgrading performance eventually producing the process of “Turning able-bodied men and women / And intellectuals of substance / Into nations of disabled beggars.” Here, the real tragedy is not just about poverty— but the dismantlement of human capacity for self-liberation and subsistence[viii].
The Somali elite (the political and the scholarly) had due to the challenging circumstance in the past decades dispersed into three categories. The first and most honorable group insisted on staying the country and serving the society- in their limited capacity- leading and educating some of the youth, despite enormous risks. The second group adjusted or melted into the descending society- letting the fragmented civil war-torn populations lead them- instead of leading. The third group reluctantly sought protection as exiles or refugees in other societies. A renown intellectual, lamenting to the symbolic country, once reasoned the drastic decision of fleeing from your homeland as: [Dalkeygoow dalxiis kaagamaan imaan dalkeygoow; kolkii nabad laysu diiday; sokeeye kolkuu is dooxay; kolkii duulba duul wareemay…. Ayaan nafteyda la soo dallaabay dalkeygoow].
In conclusion, Eno stresses the idea of what happens when the political and the scholarly elite becomes less focused and interested in the nourishment of a balanced inclusive public life. Such negligence eventually generates a society with divisive, distrustful, and constantly rivaling constituents. A society with increased impoverishment, not just in economic and material resources, but also lacking the moral critical capabilities of generating applicable ideas and imaginations assisting the society in advancing positively.
Dr. Abdulkadir Osman Farah
Email: osmanfaraha@gmail.com
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Dr. Abdulkadir Osman Farah teaches at Copenhagen University and is associate of Urban Sanctuary, Migrant Solidarity and Hospitality in Global Perspective with Aalborg and Ryerson Universities. Dr. Farah is also currently associate researcher of Tswane University of Technology, Pretoria, South Africa.
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[i] An edited version of a presentation to a webinar- Organized by Laashin Publishers [ https://laashin.net/] and Xarunta Faarax Shuuriye- on the 20th of April 2025- discussing the latest book of Professor Mohamed Eno: Horizontal Aberration. Laashin Publishing. 2025- Sweden
[ii] Ali Jimale Ahmed. Gaso, Ganuun iyo Gasiin. Laashin Publishers, Katrinehalm, Sweden: 2018
[iii] Mohamed A. Eno A. Eno. Horizontal Aberration. Laashin Publishers, Katrinehalm, Sweden: 2025
[iv] https://scholar.google.dk/scholar?hl=en&as_sdt=0%2C5&q=%22Ali+Jimale+Ahmed%22&btnG=; https://scholar.google.dk/scholar?hl=en&as_sdt=0%2C5&q=%22Mohamed+A+Eno%22&btnG=
[vi] Abdi Ismail Samatar. Africa’s First Democrats: Somalia’s Aden A. Osman and Abdirazak H. Hussen. Indiana University Press, 2016
[v] Abdi Ismail Samatar. Africa’s First Democrats: Somalia’s Aden A. Osman and Abdirazak H. Hussen. Indiana University Press, 2016
[vii] Horizontal Aberration, – chap. 2- p. 15
[viii] Horizontal Aberration -chap.2 p.17
[ix] Horizontal Aberration- -chap. 7- p.74
![Flag-Somalia Declining Political and Scholarly Charisma: Mohamed A. Eno’s “Horizontal Aberration”[i]](https://wardheernews.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/Flag-Somalia.jpg)