By Abdirashid Yaasin Musse

Introduction:

Abdi Faarax Siciid (Juxa)’s article offers a century-long reflection on Puntland’s political, economic, and social evolution. More importantly, it attempts to explain how the historical experiences of the people of Puntland have shaped their contemporary political thinking. While some of the author’s political conclusions remain open to debate, his central thesis—that Puntland’s current political outlook is rooted in a century of sacrifice, displacement, state-building, and repeated disappointment—is worthy of serious consideration.

Indeed, Juxa’s historical narrative complements a broader argument that many Puntland scholars and political observers have advanced for years: Puntland has consistently invested its people, resources, and leadership in building the Somali nation, yet many believe those sacrifices have rarely been matched by equitable political partnership or national investment.

From the Collapse of the Sultanates to the Birth of Somali Nationalism

Juxa correctly begins his narrative before independence, tracing Puntland’s modern political history to the destruction of the indigenous Sultanates during the 1920s. The collapse of the Majeerteen Sultanate, the Hobyo Sultanate, the Warsangali Sultanate, and the defeat of the Dervish movement fundamentally altered the trajectory of the region.

These events were not merely military defeats. They dismantled functioning indigenous political systems, disrupted commerce, weakened traditional governance, and accelerated migration. The resulting economic isolation transformed much of the region into what later became known as “Gaari Waa”—a symbolic description of a region left geographically and economically disconnected from the rest of the country.

Rather than rebuilding locally, generations of Puntland’s most educated citizens sought opportunities elsewhere, particularly in southern Somalia. This migration unintentionally created one of the earliest examples of brain drain and capital flight from Puntland. While individuals prospered and contributed nationally, the region itself remained underdeveloped.

Building Somalia before Building Puntland

One of the strongest themes in both Juxa’s article and Puntland’s historical experience is that its people consistently prioritized building Somalia before building Puntland. During the struggle for independence, Puntland intellectuals became leading participants in the Somali Youth League (SYL) and the nationalist movement. They viewed Somali unity as a collective national mission that transcended regional identity.

After independence in 1960, Puntland continued supplying administrators, judges, military officers, diplomats, educators, and civil servants to the Somali Republic. Many of Somalia’s institutions were built with substantial contributions from professionals originating from Puntland.

Ironically, this national commitment further deepened Puntland’s own institutional weakness. As skilled professionals and entrepreneurs relocated southward, investment and administrative capacity followed them. Consequently, while Puntland played an outsized role in constructing the Somali state, comparatively little state investment returned to develop the region itself.

Juxa’s article illustrates this historical paradox well: Puntland repeatedly exported leadership while importing neglect.

Military Rule and the Deepening of Historical Grievances

The military takeover of 1969 marked another decisive turning point. As opposition to Maxamed Siyaad Barre’s government intensified, Puntland increasingly became associated with the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF), Somalia’s first major armed opposition movement.

Juxa documents the severe consequences that followed, including political repression, arrests, destruction of infrastructure, and widespread insecurity. Many historians and residents of Puntland argue that the government’s actions extended beyond counterinsurgency and amounted to collective punishment against communities associated with the SSDF.

Whether interpreted politically or historically, these experiences profoundly shaped Puntland’s constitutional thinking. They reinforced a belief that concentrating excessive authority in a single central government could expose entire regions to political vulnerability whenever power was abused.

Civil War: Returning Home to an Empty Homeland

Perhaps the most emotionally powerful section of Juxa’s article is his description of the 1991 state collapse. For decades, successive generations of Puntland families had established businesses, careers, and homes throughout southern Somalia. When civil war erupted, they lost virtually everything. Many became refugees or internally displaced persons who eventually returned to Puntland.

Yet they returned not to a developed homeland but to a region that had long suffered from underinvestment precisely because so much of its human capital had been devoted to the national project.

This historical irony deserves greater recognition. Puntland was forced to rebuild itself almost entirely from scratch—not because its people had neglected their homeland, but because for generations they had invested overwhelmingly in building Somalia itself.

Puntland: A Project to Save Somalia

Juxa strongly emphasizes that Puntland was not established as a secessionist entity. Following eight years of waiting for Somalia’s reconciliation efforts to succeed, traditional elders, intellectuals, business leaders, and former SSDF leadership established Puntland in 1998. Their objective was twofold.

The first was to restore security, governance, justice, and public services for their own population. The second was to demonstrate that Somalia could be rebuilt through decentralized governance founded upon constitutional federalism.

This distinction remains one of the most important aspects of Puntland’s political identity. Unlike outright secessionist projects, Puntland presented itself as both a regional administration and a constitutional model for rebuilding the Somali Republic.

Federalism was viewed not as an obstacle to Somali unity but as a safeguard against the return of authoritarian centralization that had characterized previous governments.

From Federal Optimism to Constitutional Frustration

The election of Puntland’s founding President, Cabdullaahi Yuusuf Axmed, as President of Somalia represented a moment of enormous hope.

For many Puntland citizens, it appeared that the ideals upon which Puntland had been established—constitutional governance, reconciliation, and federal partnership—would finally guide Somalia’s national recovery.

However, as Juxa argues, that optimism gradually faded. Renewed conflict in Muqdisho, President Cabdullaahi Yuusuf’s resignation, and subsequent constitutional disagreements between Puntland and successive federal administrations generated increasing mistrust.

Juxa interprets the administrations that followed as progressively centralizing authority while weakening the federal arrangements negotiated during Somalia’s reconciliation process.

Whether one agrees entirely with that assessment or not, it is undeniable that disputes over constitutional interpretation, power-sharing, fiscal arrangements, and state autonomy have remained among Somalia’s most persistent political challenges.

Why Confederation Has Entered the Debate

Juxa concludes by advocating consideration of a confederal model for Somalia. His proposal is not presented simply as an ideological preference but as the logical consequence of a century of historical experience.

His argument is that if constitutional federalism can be altered or weakened through political majorities at the centre, then stronger constitutional guarantees may be necessary to protect regional self-government while preserving cooperation on agreed national responsibilities.

Others maintain that Somalia’s federal constitution remains sufficient if implemented faithfully and consistently. That debate is likely to continue.

Nevertheless, Juxa succeeds in explaining why increasing numbers of Puntland intellectuals have begun discussing confederation—not because they necessarily reject Somali unity, but because they seek stronger institutional safeguards against the recurrence of centralized political domination.

Conclusion

Juxa’s article ultimately tells the story of a people who repeatedly chose national service over regional advantage.  From resisting colonial rule, to contributing to the independence movement, to building Somalia’s first republic, to enduring military repression, to rebuilding governance after total state collapse, Puntland has consistently played a central role in Somalia’s modern history.

His article argues that these experiences have fundamentally shaped Puntland’s contemporary political thinking. Whether readers agree with his endorsement of confederation or continue to support federalism, the broader lesson remains compelling: constitutional systems survive only when all parties believe that agreements will be respected, power will be shared fairly, and no region will again experience the neglect, marginalization, or concentration of authority that has characterized too much of Somalia’s modern history.

If Somalia is to achieve lasting peace and stable governance, it must honestly confront its historical experiences, strengthen constitutional trust, and build a political order in which every region sees itself not as a subject of the state, but as an equal partner in its future.

Abdirahsid Yaasin Musse