WardheerNews editorial

The expansion and designation of new districts, zones, and cities into the structure of the Somali Regional State reflect not a strategy for good governance, but a troubling pattern of power abuse and misguided public policy. A closer look at the list reveals that most of these new administrative units serve political agendas rather than the principles of effective governance or genuine decentralization. Far from promoting development or local empowerment, this trend undermines the integrity of administrative planning. The editorial board of WardheerNews urges the President of the region and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to reassess the implications of the hasty decision proposed on July 24, 2025. 

Wardheernews will run a series of editorials to highlight the political and economic conditions of the Somali Regional State.

The Somali Regional State is one of the poorest states in the Ethiopian Federal structure. Second in landmass only to Oromia and sparsely populated, the region is one of the most underdeveloped areas in the Horn of Africa. It is, in the words of the eminent Ethiopianist scholar, John Markakis, the Somali region is the epitome of Ethiopia’s periphery and what he termed one of “the Last Two Frontiers.” 

Previous regimes have neglected the region for too long. Neither did those who came with the EPRDF make enough effort to change this intractable condition of underdevelopment. The last stroke came with Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who came to power in 2018 but has changed less thus far in terms of the lives of the millions of people in the region.

The region lacks industries and service-based activities to create jobs for the young. Where over seventy percent (70%) of the region’s population is under 30, joblessness is a ticking bomb. 

More young men and women gamble on their lives by trying to immigrate to Europe by taking a risky journey over the high seas, where many have died in the last 7 years. Underemployment in this region is one of the highest.

Rarely would one find a young man or woman with a job; the rare jobs created in the region by federal bureaus are entirely occupied by resettled residents from other areas of Ethiopia; the level of corruption is so rampant that what was intended for project financing is often used as a “political budget”. Even Prime Minister Abiy repeatedly blamed the region’s leaders for runaway corruption.

Most of the region’s settlements lack the essential services such as clean water, medical facilities, and schools. Westerners came to know more about the Somali region through a 2016 documentary: “A Place Called Dhanaan,” where people were dying during the tumultuous days of the EPRDF rule for lack of water and food. Dhanan and many other districts in the region still have no access to clean drinking water.

However, as of July 24, 2025, President Mustafa Omer gave Dhanaan a new designation; he gave her what he assumed to be a priority – a new designation as City.  The question is whether it would have been a better public policy to give Dhanaan the basic development infrastructure that makes a city a livable place and a center for rural people to access services. He could have first built a simple, clean water system, then assessed where and when to make a credible designation. But that did not happen and matter.

It is not only the case of Dhanaan, but entirely all the new districts and zonal administrations he just rammed through the regional cabinet needed public services such as clean water and medical facilities first, not the purported and highly politicized designations. As one goes through the list, most of the new designations cater to politics, and they are not done so in the spirit of practical good governance and devolution of administration.

The new 14 districts, 24 cities, and 5 zonal designations have not been stress-tested to ensure that every one meets the criterion needed for designations. No one consulted the public on whether such expensive decentralization can produce the multifaceted budgeted needs to efficiently run all these new units of administration. Neither has the administration conducted studies.

For example, one of the new cities designated is only 10 kilometers away from the Capital city of Jigjiga. Two other newly created cities are within 40-50 kilometers of Jigjiga. Yet, Jigjjiga itself can service only 50% of its residents’ water needs, as was explained by Abdi Hure, former bureau chief for the office of water systems and currently the head of the Prosperity Party Somali branch office.

Some of the new districts consist of one center and a small number of Kabels. When the Derg designed the settlement system, the hierarchy of city, district, center, and kabale was largely based on population capacity and tangible growth levels in revenue.

Other districts and zones were rewards handed to politically powerful individuals that Mustafe thinks may hurt his political career. These individuals include Adan Farah, who is awarded a full-blown zone. The same is true with the man who mostly stays in Addis, and that is Ahmed Shide. His remote rural area has been upgraded to a zonal administration.

A good number of the newly created districts don’t have enough population to make them viable. Some have as low as 2000 potential residents. According to a study conducted by the federal government of Ethiopia, of the 11 zones in the Somali Regional State, only three are functioning to a satisfactory level.

Many of the already existing districts and cities are only in name and have proven to be a burden on the region’s budget. It is also the case that most of the administrators of the currently existing district spend most of the budget allocated is lost through corruption before it leaves Jigjiga.

The region needs devolution of power, and it is part of federalism to take the government closer to the citizens. The question is how this is done and by what process? What is a priority right now for the region to allocate its resources to achieve? Creating unnecessary administrative units to satisfy the political whims of powerful individuals who may never leave the seat unless forced, as was done in 2018, would not increase the residents’ access to necessary services.

Alas, the action proposed by Mustaf Omer is leading to unintended consequences. For example, the Harowe community declared that it withdrew its confidence in the Regional Somali State and demanded that it be placed under the federal government. Communities in El-baxay, Doolo, Fiiq, Qabridahar, Godey, Salaxaad revolted by burning tires and calling for the immediate reversal of the president’s move, which created an intractable wedge among many clans and Mustafe Omer, whose popularity has declined drastically.

The move by Mustafe Omer would do nothing to bring about progress. Rather, the proliferation of unnecessary administrative units would perpetuate wastefulness and mismanagement of the meager resources of the region. As Abdirahman Hure, bureau chief for political affairs of the region, recently told Dhab TV, the region’s overall budget, when devaluation of the bir is accounted for, did not increase when compared to that of 2018. On the contrary, both the population and the need for infrastructure development sharply increased.

The question is, where would the administrative budget for all these districts, cities, and zones come from? This position is in total contravention of what the Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed warned not long ago – that regional leaders should not create unnecessary administrative units without having reliable funding and resources to do the job.

Well, Prime Minister Abiy’s familiar shouts and tantrums always fall on deaf ears, especially when directed at the Somali region. Neither does the Abiy administration want to listen to the cries for justice by the residents of the Somali region. As this piece goes to print, a group of elders, political leaders, and intellectuals is in Addis Ababa to plead their case with the Prime Minister. So far, Mr. Adam Farah has effectively shut any opportunity for the group to see the Prime Minister.

There are movements in the offing to split the Somali Regional State into at least two or three Regional States. One is proposed under the rubric of the Hawd region. This region would include the communities of Issaq, Gadabuursi, Geri, Ciise, Hawiya, and all those that border Harar and Oromia.

The second, thus far suggested, is one consisting of Mustafe’s birthplace, Jarar, and Wardheer. The third is Qorahay, Fiiq, and parts of the Liibaan zone. Although this is not by any means on anyone’s top agenda, it has been discussed by affected communities who feel that the region is too big to administer and need a more consolidated, compact region. Currently, the proponents of breaking up the region feel the geography is too expansive and does not address some communities’ needs.

Recommendations:

• Reverse the newly created designations for districts, cities, and zones, and start concentrating on developing and expanding essential services to the residents of the Somali Regional State equitably
• Assess, conduct a feasibility study, and dress-test to find which areas can be upgraded in the future
• If necessary, such changes must be made following the 2026 parliamentary and presidential elections so that political opportunism is ruled out. The current move has created irreversible divisions among the different communities of the region.

WardheerNews
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