Editor’s Note: WardheerNews is delighted to post this essay and we do so only after we thoroughly checked the facts through well connected and knowledgeable individuals.  The picture that came out after our initial but serious fact checking is that this article and its expose stand on strong legs.  WardheerNews welcomes an opposing view point to this.  In the runner up to the May, 2010 elections, the editorial board anticipates a healthy and heated debate on the fairness of the elections, with special attention given to its authenticity or the lack thereof of in the Somali Regional State.
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The election in the federal republic of Ethiopia is scheduled to be held on May 2010. For the first time, the Somali Region might hold its election the same day as the National Election Day. In light of the upcoming election, there is a wide discussion within the Somali Region and its Diaspora communities about what this election will bring for the region. Based on thorough analysis of the situation and the formidable interest group that runs the region, the authors argue that the status quo will continue as it is, if not worsen, and nothing will change in the way the Somali Regional State is governed. This essay is to shed some light on the core beneficiary group of the status quo and why this group will do everything in its power to block progressive individuals from coming into power.

What is today known as the Somali Regional State of Ethiopia was conquered by the Ethiopian military force at the beginning of the 19th century. The Region has ever since been a military buffer zone, where any civil servant or military battalion transferred from the highland regions were allowed to collect an extra desert hardship allowance on top of their salary. The Emperor and the Military junta government of Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam have deployed and used military might to repress and rule the Somali Regions in Harar, Bale and Sidamo. Although those military forces where entirely recruited from the highlands of Ethiopia, the few top Somali officials and distract commissioners such as Bashir sh Abdi, Mahdi Ayub, Ahmed Abdulahi, Yusuf Muhumed Macalin  and others where as power full as anyone in the Derge system. This is in complete contrast to the current federal system where the Somali administrators are many in number and are nominal in control of their region but the army commanders and TPLF advisors actually run the show.

Nearly two decades lapsed since the current EPRDF government took over Ethiopia and introduced the controversial ethnic based federal system.  This federalism, at least in theory, was designed to fulfill the long anticipated aspirations of justice and equality among the Ethiopian nations and nationalities.  Many also expected that the military will be a non partisan national asset. But the current Ethiopian Defense Force is far from a neutral body or a representative organ. All military commanders in Ethiopia who are currently in charge of the military divisions are from Tigray Region and are the very men and women who fought for the liberation of Tigrai Republic (read the 1976 manifesto of the TPLF). Furthermore, a recent study published by one of the opposition groups has also revealed the identity and the ethnicity of the commanders in the so called ethnic federalism.

The Ethiopian army should reflect the diversity of the nation but for the Somali Regional State citizens that is even a less worrisome issue .The military, in collaboration with TPLF advisors and secret service agents are in charge of the day-to- day administrative activities and civil affairs. (Please Read Carter Center report regarding the military involvement in the last election in the Somali Region)  These three entities have created a very powerful cartel.  Taking advantage of the gorilla war waged by the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and the less visible United Western Somali Liberation Front against the TPLF/EPRDF regime, the cartel has found a useful justification “security” to hide behind and rob the Somali Regional State resources.  Thus, a bulk of the so-called Somali Regional State budget, which was estimated last year at 2 billion Birr, goes to these commanders, the secret service agents and to Abay Tsehay led de facto rulers of the region (Ato Towolde ).  The head of this cartel, Abay Tsehay, was kicked out of the Afar region when he attempted to highjack the Afar state and embezzle its resources. Unfortunately, the Somali region became his prey.  The prime Minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenewi is fully aware of this cartel but when it comes to Abey Teshay and the five Million Somalis, Meles sides with his comrade. This is a classical example of African politics of sacrificing the entire pubic for a corrupted politician.

Some less informed citizens of the region may think that the state enjoys the benevolence of the federal government for the annual budget subsidy it receives, but the JigJiga Customs Authority alone generates more than 60 Million USD per year (700 million Birr). This money could have developed the Somali region if the military and the Tigrai de facto ruler disguised as advisor would abide by the law and leave the Somali region for the Somalis. This, of course, is a wish than practical matter and the region is likely to remain as it is “Tigri Veterans Development Bank”
It is also worth mentioning to identify and shame those institutions and individuals from the Military who are involved in stealing the budget of the region and committing political and economic crimes in the Somali region.  The Southern Command in particular is responsible for these day-light robberies of the regional resources and heinous crimes against ordinary citizens.
 South Eastern Command (SEC) is based in Harar and is responsible for the Somali regional state.

• SEC is one of the four army commands of the country. It is led by Lt.General Abraha Wolde
• The SE command has the following divisions and commanders (All commanders, as shown in the following table, are from Tigrai.)

South Eastern Command

• The mechanized division is based in Harar
• 32nd division is based in Gode but is also responsible for Fiq Zone
• The division that is responsible  for Qorahe and Wardher is based in Kebridehar and is led by  Col. Wodi Teru
• The division that is responsible for Jijiga and Degahbour is based in jijiga

The constitution clearly stipulates the responsibility of the army and it is strictly to defend the nation from outside aggression and to protect the sovereignty of the country (refer to relevant articles in the constitution). However, the role of the military in the Somali region is beyond this constitutional mandate. The military, as stated in the previous sections of this piece, is very visible in Somali region’s political course.  This involvement has reached a point where zonal and district administrators are proposed by the military forces, smooth cooperation between administrations and the military is used as a pretext for nominations. The latest development from Jigjiga points to the fact that the Army has screened all SPDP candidates and has tossed out the few credible names in the list. It also suggests that the Abey Tsehay cartel has ordered the nominal regional leaders to include a non-Somali Ethiopian candidates to be elected from the Somali region (non-Somali Ethiopians are expected to run for election on SPDP ticket in Awbare and some other districts).
At regional level, colonels and generals enjoy even more authority over the regional administration than their zonal and district colleagues. The amount of wealth scooped from the regional security operations and various state bureaux turn these military leaders into businessmen and investors. The schemes used by these military leaders to extort money from district, zonal and regional administrations are too complex and beyond the scope of this paper, but a few are worth mentioning: 

(1) Godfather money- Somali Bureau heads needs to have god fathers in the military to protect their positions.

(2) Sensitive info- the military always informs individuals in the administration that they have received sensitive info about them. Eg. “Some people are trying to accuse you of supporting ONLF but I will make sure they don’t harm you”. “I cannot give you names but watch your back”. 

(3) Bail fee- This is a fee family members pay when their loved ones are arrested by the military. This fee is given to the top military leadership at local districts.

(4) Administration and fuel loan- It is common for the military army to borrow money from local and zonal administrations but they never repay that loan and of course nobody dares to ask them to do so. Furthermore, the military has huge contracts from the Security office at Somali region including procurements and providing trainings to the police and Liyu Police (militia).

(5) Arm contractors - The army’s mechanized divisions get multi-million Birr contracts and the prices of these contracts are ridiculously inflated. E.g. Gode dam construction (more than 100 million Birr) and the Liyu police uniforms, food rations and weapons.

(6) Gifts- Military leaders get payolas regularly from the local administrators, bureau heads and departmental heads. These bribes range from a coffee money, 5000 Birr, to Cars and Villas. Some of the fortune commanders have set up business with full knowledge and support of the Somali officials to smuggle goods and contrabands from Somalia to the highlands while ordinary Somali citizen are denied to bring one kilo of sugar or rice for home consumption.

(7) Family friendship- Another very un-Somali culture that has developed lately is the evolution of a group of Somali young leaders who provide financial augment to the spouses of military commanders to secure a political capital. These inferior and ill bred Somali regional state leaders visit the houses of the military leadership to solidify their relationship with them, their wives and their children. These visits are intended to bribe the wives and the children. A good portion of the regional budget is spent on sofas, TV sets, Satellite dishes, carpets, art items, expensive dresses and as form of cash. It is a public and open secret that both Abdi Ilay and Daud have strong backup from military commanders’ wives including the spouse of Lt.General Abraha .

Conclusion

The Somali Regional State is run by Abey Tsehay led Cartel composed of Tigrai advisors, Tigrai military commanders and Tigrai Secret Service agents. This cartel has managed to assemble ill-bred Somali individuals to nominally run the Somali Regional State political machine for the collective benefit of this alliance. Hence, this election is likely to consolidate the power of this formidable enterprise and as a result handpicked individuals that best serve the powerful cartel interest will again emerge as the winners of this election. Nonetheless, the fact that this enterprise is going to tighten the screw on the ordinary citizens for another five years, hopefully, it will unite the Region’s intellectuals behind the goal of removing the cartel and the repressive regime.

Ali Abdi
Chairman,
Karamarda Group

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The karamarda Group is a group of Somali Regional citizens who are interested in Democracy and Good Governance in the Somali Region of Ethiopia and could be reached at karamarda@hotmail.com

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