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From Cairo to Kampala and Harare, good governance, political pluralism and civil liberties are rare commodities. Under the reign of the Big Man dictators, Africa suffers a fate worse than colonialism for the simple reason that post-colonial optimism has evaporated into thin air. An increasing number of states are in effect becoming dysfunctional; some are already relegated to the category of “Failed States”. The continent is wobbling with the combined colossal weight of poverty, civil wars, genocide, famine, scourge of HIV/AIDS, religious extremism, economic mismanagement, rapid population growth, and dearth of benign, democratic leadership.
Intimidating monolithic bureaucracy and red tape frustrates entrepreneurship and growth of small businesses in all over Africa. Pervasive corruption and nepotism in all levels of governmental structures undermines public confidence on those at the helm of affairs. Statism and cult of personality thrives supreme, breeding cronyism which supersedes meritocracy. As the rule of law gradually faded in many African countries, draconian rules are being implemented in kangaroo Courts. Dissent remains virtually stifled; political prisoners terrorized in gulags and fear and dismay seizes the dismayed general population. Inevitably, a police state scenario abounds. Almost all of these African despots have been in power for a period not less than two decades, suppressing freedom of political expression and human rights and negating the possibility of peaceful, democratic transition of power in their countries: Jose dos Santos of Angola since 1979; Teodoro Nguema of Equatorial Guinea since 1979; Idriss Deby of Chad since 1990; Blaise Campaore of Burkina Faso since 1987 and Zine Ben Ali of Tunisia since 1987.
In Ethiopia, hated at home but adorned by the West, Meles Zenawi has been in power since 1991. His government has rigged elections; criminalizes peaceful opposition activities, massacres Somalis both in his country and in Somalia proper with impunity, intimidates journalists and stifles aid workers and human rights advocates. Despite all these, Meles is planning to stand yet for another 5-year term re-election next year. In neighboring Eritrea, another unforgiving, reclusive dictator, Isaias Afewerki, has ruled his banana republic since 1991 – reducing his country into an isolated pariah state.
From Omar Bongo, one of the longest-serving heads of state in the world, who came to office in 1967, when president Obama was a mere 6-years-old boy, the Obama administration should not expect fresh, innovative propositions to remedy Africa’s squalor and misery. A subservient acolyte of France, Bongo declined to transfer power democratically. Stubborn, diehard and edgy, Mugabe has been ruling Zimbabwe with iron-fist since 1980. Mugabe has singlehandedly ruined his country’s economy turning Zimbabweans into starving, impoverished indigents. Yoweri Museveni, another multiparty averse, has been ruling Uganda with dictatorial powers since 1986. Indicted for war crimes and crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court, Omar El-Bashir of Sudan has kept power since 1989. Bashir is believed to have orchestrated systematic ethnic cleansing and collective punishment against a large section of his people and ensuing unprecedented humanitarian crisis. Fearing similar fate, it is no wonder that African dictators oppose the indictment of El-Bashir. Alas, the marginalized African populace can only change the status quo through free and fairly managed elections. That seems the most unlikely proposition though. The Big Man syndrome is firmly entrenched in the state machinery and political culture of Africa; nurtured albeit and protected by an intimidating security apparatchik, intimate cabal and hordes of cronies with secure foothold in lucrative positions. Besides, the Big Man almost always enjoys the unqualified support of Western Powers, particularly the U.S., which has a history of infatuation with the Big Yes Man. However, past policies of appeasement and patronage of despots have deeply compromised U.S. interests and image in Africa. In this increasingly globalized world, an internal African implosion would not be confined within the boundaries of African States. Like Somali pirates, the risk of desperate communities in Africa resorting to desperate measures cannot be underestimated. African refugee exodus to Europe, which is a trickle at present, may well reach to unprecedented proportions. Thus, the West can no more afford to overlook the adverse developments unfolding in Africa.
The Obama administration must in part adopt a principled approach to dealing with corrupt authoritarian leaders who deny their people the right to change leadership by means of free and fair elections; propel their nations into senseless civil wars or lead their countries to the tortuous path of failure. The Big Man should be made to understand that the old rules of engagement are no more tenable. As a first African-America President, and the son of an African Exchange student, the continent's beleaguered and disempowered populace expects from Obama nothing less than a policy framework that conditions U.S. economic assistance and political discourse with African dictators to a tangible, measurable political reform, expanded political freedom, independency of judiciary and protection for dissenting views. If Obama is true to his election manifesto, he needs to pressure African tyrants to step aside and pave the way for an enabling environment for democratization and reform. The agonized peoples of Africa are awaiting in anticipation Obama’s forthcoming policy initiative on Africa as they keep a vigilant eye on his approach towards the Big Man, which determines whether his administration is serious enough in making a lasting, positive change in the lives of millions of troubled Africans. Abdi Guled We welcome the submission of all articles for possible publication on WardheerNews.com |